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Friends of the Earth International issues a statement on International Women's Day 2016 to protest the murder of Berta Cáceres in Honduras. The organization denounces the Honduran government for its role in facilitating the appropriation of common goods by transnational corporations and for the repression of peaceful opposition. The statement links environmental justice to the end of violence against women, arguing that both nature and women's labor are exploited within a patriarchal, capitalist, and racist system. It calls for an independent international investigation into Cáceres' death and an end to the persecution of indigenous rights defenders.

The statement celebrates Uruguay's withdrawal from the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) following a mass mobilization campaign led by unions and social movements. It characterizes TISA as a secret agreement designed to force market openness for transnational corporations, privatize public services, and dismantle state regulatory capacities, specifically targeting sectors like energy and environmental services. The author highlights that the victory in Uruguay was achieved through the use of leaked documents and a broad coalition of civil society, and calls on the other 51 participating countries to similarly abandon the negotiations.

The author contends that a European Army is a 'legend' lacking conceptual depth and political feasibility. The text argues that such an entity would require an unacceptable loss of national sovereignty and constitutional changes in member states like Germany and France. Furthermore, it suggests that proponents use the idea to undermine parliamentary oversight of military actions. Instead of a unified army, the author advocates for enhanced security cooperation, the use of 'soft power', and the maintenance of democratic controls.

The author contends that Germany's historical preference for non-military foreign policy and economic cooperation is no longer viable in a globalised world. Highlighting the paralysis of the UN Security Council and the rise of authoritarianism, the text calls for a more active European foreign policy. It specifically emphasizes the need for the EU to support Ukraine against Russian neo-imperialism and to maintain a value-based partnership with the United States to avoid security vacuums.

The author criticizes the European Union's criminalization of migration and the failure of neoliberal development models in the Maghreb. It highlights the link between environmental degradation—such as desertification and water scarcity—and forced migration, noting that 'environmental refugees' may reach 250 million by 2050. The text calls for a transition to 'post-development' cooperation that reduces Europe's ecological footprint while improving the Human Development Index (HDI) in the Maghreb, moving beyond the interests of extractive elites and the 'Washington Consensus'.

The author contends that the EU must move away from criminalizing migrants and implementing neoliberal economic models in the Maghreb. Instead, the document proposes a cooperation framework based on reciprocity and ecological awareness, highlighting how environmental issues—such as desertification in coastal areas and water scarcity linked to fracking in Algeria—drive social instability and migration. It criticizes the 'Washington consensus' and the lack of international legal recognition for environmental refugees, who are estimated to reach 250 million by 2050. The text also notes that political instability, corruption, and bilateral conflicts between nations like Morocco and Algeria hinder regional cooperation and the development of interregional projects.

The author critiques the European Union's current approach to migration, characterizing it as based on myths that criminalize migrants and ignore the systemic links between environmental degradation and displacement. The text argues that North Africa's future depends on moving away from neoliberal models and resource extraction—such as shale gas in Algeria—toward ecological sustainability and democratic stability. It calls for the recognition of 'ecological refugees' and a reduction of the Global North's ecological footprint to address the root causes of migration.

The document defines a Green foreign policy as a holistic approach that prioritizes human rights, democracy, and environmental sustainability over narrow economic interests. It advocates for the reform of international organizations like the UN and the Bretton Woods Institutions to increase transparency and representation for the Global South. The framework emphasizes the strengthening of international law, specifically the International Criminal Court, and supports restrictive weapons export policies and UN-mandated military interventions. It also calls for a development agenda that links environmental sustainability with social inclusion and conflict prevention through the 'Responsibilities to Protect' (R2P) framework.

The author critiques current foreign policy as anachronistic and dominated by neoliberal interests, calling for a 'Green Foreign Policy' (GFP) that transcends ecology to include human development, social integration, and the rights of all living beings. The text advocates for the creation of a Global Government with direct citizen participation to replace the perceived democratic deficit in international organisations like the UN, World Bank, and IMF. It positions the EU as a potential driver for this paradigm shift, moving from top-down advocacy to a model of human empowerment and collective consciousness.

The Nyéléni Declaration defines agroecology not merely as a set of techniques, but as a political way of life and a form of resistance against an industrial food system that prioritizes profit over life. It argues that industrial agriculture drives multiple crises, including climate change, soil degradation, and public health issues. The declaration rejects 'false solutions' like 'climate-smart agriculture' or 'sustainable intensification,' which it views as attempts by corporations to co-opt agroecology to maintain existing power structures. Instead, it proposes a model based on territorial rights, collective access to commons, horizontal knowledge exchange, and the central leadership of women and youth. The document outlines a comprehensive strategy to implement this vision through territorial policies, local economy building, and the protection of biodiversity and seed sovereignty.

The author contends that increasing security measures and restricting liberties in response to terrorist attacks in Paris and elsewhere is ineffective and risks further marginalizing religious groups. The text highlights the rise of far-right movements like Pegida in Germany and the AfD, as well as the growth of populist discourse in Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark. It argues that structural issues—such as the 'apartheid' between French cities and banlieues, youth unemployment, and resource tensions—drive instability. The document advocates for a strategy based on education, equal rights for minorities, and the reinforcement of universal values of freedom and solidarity to combat extremism.

The author, Mayor of Sevran, critiques the French 'assimilationist' model of integration, arguing that it is disconnected from the reality of a multicultural society. He advocates for a federal Europe with common rights for all EU citizens to counter nationalism. Furthermore, he asserts that Europe must accept responsibility for environmental migration caused by global warming and transition toward a model where migrants are integrated as 'eco-citizens of the world' who contribute to local autonomy and sustainability.

The author contends that current forms of solidarity, such as charitable aid to migrants and the poor, are insufficient and should be replaced by political action. Specifically, the text calls for the amendment of the Dublin II treaty to relieve Greece of a disproportionate burden regarding asylum seekers and urges Northern European citizens to pressure their governments to oppose austerity measures imposed by the Troika. Finally, it argues that Europe must take responsibility for the exploitation of wealth, child labor, and wars in Asia and Africa to eliminate the root causes of migration.

The author criticizes the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) as an unequal and unsustainable system that prioritizes industrial production over environmental health and small-scale farming. The text advocates for a shift toward 'sustainable food systems'—defined as those guaranteeing food sovereignty and internalizing environmental costs—and highlights the role of the Greens in Belgium in promoting short supply chains, urban agriculture, and the relocalisation of food production to protect rural social fabrics.

The author advocates for a European agricultural policy that prioritises 'Quality not quantity', linking public payments to the delivery of social and ecological goods. This vision is contrasted with an industrial lobby pushing for export-oriented, intensive production. The author highlights the 'magic triangle' of agricultural production, nature conservation, and tourism as a wealth-creating model, citing the specific policy implementations in Baden-Württemberg, such as support for organic conversion, GMO-free mandates, and sustainable tourism initiatives.

The Luxembourg Greens oppose the Fiscal Treaty, asserting that its debt brake mandates austerity and deepens social inequalities by ignoring the revenue side of public budgets. The document argues that austerity has failed to trigger economic recovery and instead proposes a Green New Deal focused on green infrastructure and environmental industrial transition. It suggests that a genuine European solution requires a minimum tax base to stop tax competition and the use of Eurobonds or a common sinking fund to manage national debt burdens.

The author supports a referendum on EU membership to enhance democracy and resolve economic uncertainty, arguing that the debate should focus on reforming the EU into a body that prioritizes sustainability, human rights, and banking reform over free trade and corporate profit.

The statement 'Reclaim Europe!' argues that the European Union has become a 'project of the elites' that has failed young people, citing high youth unemployment and the dismantling of the welfare state. The authors propose a 'Plan B' for Europe based on degrowth, a Fiscal Union with a Financial Transaction Tax, and the democratization of EU institutions. They advocate for free, inclusive education, a guaranteed basic income, and an open-border policy that welcomes asylum seekers and migrants, while calling for the European Parliament to be granted the right of initiative.

Irish Green Party leader Eamon Ryan advocates for Ireland's continued membership in the Eurozone, arguing that a breakup would offer no benefits. He proposes a 'Green' economic model based on productivity and innovation, similar to the German and Scandinavian models, to ensure prosperity while reducing environmental impact. Ryan calls for a more federal Europe with restored democratic legitimacy, a resolution to Ireland's debt payment issues, and the adoption of a Financial Transaction Tax to curb speculative capitalism.

The Greens in the Bundestag and European Parliament call for a transition from a currency union to a comprehensive economic union to resolve the Eurocrisis. They argue that the Treaty of Lisbon and the 'new fiscal policy pact' are insufficient because they rely on intergovernmental cooperation rather than democratically legitimised EU institutions. The document proposes a 'Green Convention on the Future of the European Union' to debate treaty amendments, including the creation of a European Economic and Finance Minister, a European financial transaction tax, and a 'social progress clause' to protect workers' rights. The authors advocate for a 'Green New Deal' to ensure sustainable and socially equitable growth, alongside greater harmonisation of tax systems to prevent tax avoidance and dangerous competition.