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The authors criticize the UN climate secretariat for holding meetings behind closed doors in Bonn, Germany, where rules for transparency under the Paris Agreement were discussed. They argue that excluding non-state actors—including NGOs, academics, and local governments—erodes the trust and accountability necessary for the agreement's success and limits the technical quality of the resulting rules. The document calls for the inclusion of civil society in future thematic discussions, specifically those on adaptation scheduled for May.

Friends of the Earth International argues that the TPP failed because it prioritized corporate interests over people and the environment. The organization calls for a fundamental reset of trade policy, warning that continuing with 'mega trade deals' like the TPP, TTIP, and RCEP fuels populism and undermines climate action and workers' rights.

ClientEarth argues that the European Commission's Roadmap on the Strategy on Plastics in a Circular Economy incorrectly treats the elimination of hazardous chemicals as a secondary issue or a trade-off against recycling, rather than a cumulative goal for human health and environmental protection.

The document examines the multifaceted nature of security in Europe, contrasting the 'politics of fear' used by national populists with a progressive vision of security. It analyzes threats ranging from terrorism and digital vulnerabilities to energy insecurity and climate change, while emphasizing that social investment and the protection of civil liberties are more effective tools for stability than mass surveillance or militarisation. The text specifically critiques the 'securitisation' of migration and the role of the state in managing perceived risks.

Environmental organisations are challenging the Minister of Environmental Affairs' decision to permit commercial mining in the Mabola Protected Environment, arguing it sets a dangerous precedent. They demand that the Minister adhere to constitutional rights, environmental management principles under NEMA, and procedural fairness requirements under PAJA for all current and future applications to conduct commercial activities in protected areas.

The document argues that replacing the EU ETS with CORSIA for European flights would significantly reduce climate ambition and breach the Paris Agreement. It criticizes CORSIA for lacking legally binding status until 2027, relying solely on offsets, and lacking in-sector reduction requirements. The authors demand that the EU ETS cover all domestic and international flights from 2017 unless CORSIA is substantially strengthened in its targets, legal binding date, accounting rules, and in-sector reduction requirements.

Earthjustice asserts that Scott Pruitt is unfit to lead the EPA, citing his history of suing the agency 14 times to fight public health protections, his denial of climate change, and his opposition to the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE) asserts that Ontario's coal plant phase-out significantly reduced air pollution and improved public health. In 2002, Ontario's five coal plants were responsible for 23% of sulphur dioxide (SO2) emissions, 14% of nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions, 23% of airborne mercury, and 20% of greenhouse gas emissions. Between 2003 and 2012, SO2 emissions from these plants dropped by approximately 140,000 tonnes, contributing to a nearly 50% decline in annual air levels of SO2 and a 25% decline in PM2.5 across the province. A 2005 estimate valued the health impacts of coal plant pollution—including over 600 premature deaths and 1,900 hospital or emergency room visits annually—at $3 billion per year. Additionally, Toronto Public Health found that air quality improvements from 2000 to 2011 reduced premature deaths in Toronto by 23% and hospital admissions by 41%, attributing these gains in part to the coal phase-out.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) opposes Rex Tillerson's nomination for US Secretary of State, asserting that his career at ExxonMobil creates profound conflicts of interest regarding the Paris Agreement, the Keystone XL pipeline, and global climate action. The statement highlights ExxonMobil's history of funding climate misinformation and its legal challenges concerning human rights abuses in Indonesia and the Philippines.

Friends of the Earth International criticizes COP 13 for failing to protect biodiversity, alleging that the conference prioritized corporate interests and economic growth over environmental safety and indigenous rights. The organization highlights the continued promotion of harmful technologies like GMOs and pesticides, the erosion of the precautionary principle, and the increasing influence of the private sector through the 'financialization of nature'.

The statement criticizes the CBD's adoption of market-based financial mechanisms, which the author claims lead to the 'Financialization of Nature' and the privatization of biodiversity. It argues that these 'innovative' tools, such as biodiversity offsets and payments for environmental services, allow polluting companies to avoid legal sanctions and perpetuate the environmental crisis. The author advocates instead for community-led governance, food sovereignty, and the enforcement of historical obligations by industrialized nations to fund conservation.

A joint declaration by indigenous communities in Mexico, released during COP 13 in Cancún, argues that the 'green economy' and biodiversity conventions serve as fronts for corporate interests and the dispossession of indigenous lands. The document condemns the criminalization of environmental defenders and the use of deceptive conservation rhetoric to justify extractive projects, including wind and hydroelectric power. It specifically criticizes the REDD+ mechanism and the Nagoya and Cartagena protocols for favoring multinationals over indigenous sovereignty and biocultural heritage.

The document is a statement by indigenous groups in Mexico, issued during COP 13 in Cancun, condemning the 'green economy' and extractivist projects—including wind parks, hydroelectric projects, and mining—as drivers of human rights violations and territorial plundering. The signatories argue that international frameworks like the Nagoya and Cartagena Protocols and the REDD+ program prioritize corporate profit over biodiversity and indigenous sovereignty, calling for the protection of biocultural heritage and food sovereignty against the commodification of nature.

Carbon Market Watch and Transport & Environment critique the EU's guidelines on Upstream Emission Reductions (UERs), stating they are too weak to force the oil industry to change practices due to loopholes regarding carbon offsets and double counting. While the Fuel Quality Directive requires a 6% carbon footprint reduction by 2020 compared to 2010, the authors argue that national governments must now make the guidelines legally binding and limit eligible savings to Clean Development Mechanism projects in Least Developed Countries to ensure transparency and additionality.

The author criticizes the Polish government's 'Assumptions for the development of inland waterways in Poland for 2016-2020 with a perspective to 2030', which aims to canalize the Vistula and Odra rivers. The text argues that these plans contradict the EU Water Framework Directive and other environmental directives, risking the destruction of Natura 2000 sites. It claims that the projects will exacerbate droughts and floods, create water conflicts with the coal-based energy sector, and incur massive public costs—estimated at nearly 20 billion euros by 2030—without providing realistic economic benefits. The author advocates for a shift toward local community management, sustainable ecotourism, and adapting vessels to the rivers' natural states instead of modifying the rivers for large barges.

ClientEarth criticizes the European Commission's Roadmap for the REFIT Evaluation of pesticides legislation, claiming it overemphasizes implementation costs over benefits and fails to incorporate the precautionary principle. The organization highlights inconsistencies between this roadmap and other chemical legislation evaluations, specifically regarding risk management terminology and endocrine disruptor 'cut-off' criteria, and argues that separating the evaluation of pesticide use (Directive 2009/128) from pesticide placement (Regulation 1107/2009) makes the process incomplete.

The document details the European Commission's process for calculating quota top-ups for 2016, the first year of the demersal landing obligation. It explains how ICES and STECF data are used to estimate discards for specific fleet segments, while highlighting significant gaps in data transparency and the failure to account for post-discard mortality under high survival exemptions. The author argues that the lack of publicly available, fleet-segment-specific catch statistics makes it difficult to verify if Total Allowable Catches (TACs) are aligned with Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY) objectives.

The author contends that Poland's plans to develop inland navigation on the Vistula and Odra rivers will lead to environmental destruction, increased flood risks, and water shortages. The text argues that the projected 20 billion euro investment by 2030 is unrealistic and serves a narrow hydro-engineering lobby rather than the public interest. It further criticizes the European Union and World Bank for funding projects that potentially violate the Water Framework, Habitats, and Birds Directives, advocating instead for community-led governance of rivers as common goods.

The document critiques the ESIA for the 250km Lamu-Garissa road, highlighting risks to the critically endangered Hirola antelope and the Tana River ecosystem. It argues that the preferred route (Alternative I-1) lacks species-specific wildlife crossing data and fails to allocate budget for wildlife protection in its management plan. Additionally, the authors identify failures in stormwater management planning, a lack of impact analysis for the extraction of approximately 1.375 million cubic meters of construction materials, and procedural violations of Kenyan law regarding public participation and gazette notices.

ClientEarth contends that the European Commission is attempting to unlawfully modify the derogation mechanism for endocrine disruptors in pesticides. The organization argues that the approval mechanism is an 'essential element' of Regulation (EC) No 1107/2009, meaning it can only be changed by co-legislators through the ordinary legislative procedure, not by the Commission via delegated powers under Article 290 TFEU. Furthermore, ClientEarth asserts that the Commission's proposed shift toward a risk-analysis-based approach is less protective of human health and the environment than the existing system of limiting exposure to negligible levels.