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The report identifies health as the most prominent topic of mis- and disinformation in Ireland, followed by Irish politics and immigration. It highlights the role of alternative media outlets like Gript and TheLiberal.ie in amplifying false narratives, and documents the use of conspiratorial tropes—such as the 'Great Replacement' and 'plantation' narratives—to fuel anti-immigrant sentiment and target political figures. The analysis also covers the spread of COVID-19 misinformation, anti-LGBTQ+ campaigns, climate change denial, and 5G conspiracy theories, noting a significant overlap between these themes and a tendency for narratives to be imported from international far-right movements.

The research analyzes 130 case studies from the past decade to examine social mobilization against energy infrastructure, including low-carbon options. It identifies how national institutions and responses to global pressures influence the varying politics of energy transitions across different countries and energy types.

The report identifies a multinational network of right-wing and libertarian actors in Latin America and Spain that amplify climate disinformation. These actors often translate English-language content and employ tactics such as coordinated sharing, recruitment of like-minded influencers, and the use of coded language to evade platform moderation. Key narratives include claims that 'global elites' fabricated climate change to consolidate power, that the UN's Agenda 2030 is a tool for population control, and that extreme weather is caused by geoengineering rather than climate change.

The report argues that the UN Food Systems Summit has been 'captured' by corporate interests through the use of multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs), which shift governance from state-led multilateralism to a model dominated by transnational corporations and philanthropic foundations. An analysis of 26 MSIs reveals that the private sector holds the most influence, often occupying leadership roles. The document highlights the roles of the World Economic Forum (WEF), the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), and the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) in promoting industrial agriculture and 'nature-positive' solutions that the authors claim are 'false solutions' designed to maintain corporate dominance. It specifically criticizes the appointment of AGRA's president as the UN Special Envoy for the Summit as a conflict of interest and details how companies like Nestlé and Shell use nature-based solutions to offset emissions without reducing production.

The report analyzes the Mises Institute Network, a global group of ultra-libertarian think tanks, and its efforts to obstruct climate change mitigation. It finds that the network uses the philosophy of Ludwig von Mises to argue against state intervention and climate science, promoting 'free-market environmentalism' instead. While climate change was not a primary focus before 2016, there was a significant spike in opposition content in 2019, coinciding with the U.S. and EU Green Deal proposals. The network operates across 25 countries, utilizing social media and university presence to recruit young activists and employing climate contrarians to spread its messaging.

The report finds that SDG implementation in Sri Lanka is highly synergistic, with only 2% of direct interactions between analyzed targets being restricting. Key 'accelerators' with the highest outward influence include policy coherence, reducing corruption, and climate change capacity. Conversely, targets like drinking water and housing show the lowest outward influence due to potential trade-offs with environmental and resource management. The study emphasizes that because targets are closely intertwined, Sri Lanka requires cross-sectoral collaboration rather than siloed approaches.

The analysis of 36 SDG targets in Sri Lanka reveals a highly synergistic environment where only 2% of direct interactions are restricting. The most significant 'accelerators' for the entire agenda are strengthening policy coherence, reducing corruption, and enhancing climate change capacity. Conversely, expanding access to drinking water and decent housing present the highest risks of trade-offs, particularly regarding natural resource management and water wastage. The findings emphasize that most trade-offs are non-deterministic and can be mitigated through mindful implementation and institutional coordination.

The report identifies a resilient and multifaceted online ecosystem for Canadian right-wing extremists (RWEs), noting that while mainstream platform enforcement (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) removes some content, new channels quickly emerge. The COVID-19 pandemic acted as a significant driver of activity, with 38.8% of coded messages relating to the pandemic, often focusing on conspiracy theories and anti-government sentiment. Canadian RWEs exhibit a strong internationalist outlook, mentioning the US more than Canada. While overt hate speech is a small proportion of total activity on mainstream sites, fringe platforms like 4chan and Telegram host more explicit racism, neo-Nazi imagery, and accelerationist content, including instructional material for violence. The report recommends government regulation of platforms, algorithmic auditing, and international coordination on RWE designations.

The report examines 34 Irish far-right Telegram channels, revealing a massive increase in activity between 2019 and 2020. It details how these communities use the platform's limited moderation to target minorities, LGBTQ+ individuals, and political opponents through orchestrated disinformation campaigns. Case studies show the far-right's role in inciting racial tension following the shooting of George Nkencho, spreading false claims about a house fire in Balbriggan, and launching a homophobic smear campaign against Minister Roderic O'Gorman. The analysis also highlights a significant intersection between far-right actors and COVID-19 conspiracy networks.

The report identifies a network of nearly 5,000 social media accounts producing over 280,000 messages in 2020 to spread anti-refugee disinformation. It highlights how key events, such as the Evros border crisis and the Moria camp fires, served as flashpoints for transnational mobilisation. The research demonstrates a significant overlap between mainstream political parties—such as the AfD in Germany and New Democracy in Greece—and far-right extremist ecosystems. Common narratives include the 'Great Replacement' conspiracy, the depiction of refugees as 'invaders' or 'soldiers', and the targeting of NGOs with claims of criminal complicity in human smuggling. The report concludes that anti-migrant discourse is increasingly transnational and integrated into broader geopolitical tensions, such as Greek-Turkish relations.

This report by the Stockholm Environment Institute and UNEP analyzes the synergies between SDG targets in Colombia and the department of Antioquia. Using a cross-impact matrix and network analysis, the study identifies 'catalytic' goals—those that most positively influence others—to inform the implementation of the National Development Plan (PND) 2018-2022. Key findings highlight that while national priorities focus on sustainable production and urban impact, regional priorities in Antioquia center on sustainable agriculture, demonstrating that SDG interactions are highly dependent on local contexts.

The report identifies a significant online presence of right-wing extremism in Canada, involving 6,660 accounts and channels across seven platforms with a collective reach of over 11 million users. While ethnonationalists are the most prevalent group on mainstream platforms like Facebook and Twitter, explicit white supremacist activity is concentrated on fringe sites such as Iron March and Fascist Forge. The study finds that RWE activity spikes around key events, specifically the Christchurch attack and the 2019 Canadian federal election, with anti-Muslim and anti-Trudeau rhetoric serving as primary drivers of conversation. Offline findings indicate a growth in RWE activity in the Maritime provinces and an increasing fascination with paramilitary training and weaponry among groups like the Three Percenters.

The report applies the SDG Synergies approach to eight environmental targets in the EU to identify synergies and trade-offs with other Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It finds that while most interactions are promoting, significant trade-offs exist, particularly with SDG 9 (Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure). Targets 12.4 (chemicals and waste management) and 13.1 (climate adaptation) are identified as having the highest synergistic potential to drive overall progress on the 2030 Agenda in the EU context.

The CAMA project combined weADAPT's semantic tagging with Gephi visualization software to analyze the landscape of climate adaptation. By mapping relationships between organizations, keywords, and geography, the project identified 'hot topics', research gaps, and the role of bridging networks like SUMERNET in Southeast Asia. The analysis demonstrated how ICT tools can reveal patterns in complex datasets to inform strategic planning and identify potential collaborations for the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) in Africa and Asia.

The report uses a case study of IISD's Internet governance relationships to test social network analysis (SNA). It finds that while SNA provides valuable insights into network gaps—specifically weak connections with developing nations—the high cost, complexity, and need for specialized expertise make it a challenging tool for resource-limited policy networks.

The report identifies a resurgence of climate denial and the rise of 'delayism' during COP27, highlighting how fossil fuel-linked entities used Meta's advertising tools for greenwashing and how Twitter's algorithms surfaced the #ClimateScam hashtag despite lower engagement than pro-climate terms. It details a 'narrative playbook' where climate action is framed as an elitist plot or a 'culture war' issue, often overlapping with anti-vaccine and right-wing conspiracy communities.

The report identifies three primary ecosystems driving climate mis- and disinformation: the 'attention economy' of online influencers, state-affiliated networks (specifically Russia), and the fossil fuel lobby. It details how the #ClimateScam hashtag has gained prominence on X, how ad tech companies monetise websites hosting climate denial, how Russian state media instrumentalises climate topics for geopolitical influence, and how fossil fuel companies use Facebook advertising for greenwashing. The document argues that these efforts undermine the public mandate for Net Zero and calls for structural changes to digital platform incentives and greater transparency in ad tech.

The author contends that the 'No' campaign against the Australian Indigenous Voice to Parliament is not a grassroots movement but a strategic operation by the Atlas Network, a global infrastructure of neoliberal think-tanks. The paper links this effort to a long-term pattern of climate disinformation and opposition to environmental policy, suggesting that the Voice is opposed because it could empower Indigenous communities to challenge fossil-fuel projects. The author details the interlocking memberships between the Atlas Network, the Mont Pelerin Society, and Australian political figures, arguing that these networks use 'astroturfing' and disinformation to shift public opinion in favor of corporate interests.

The report analyzes how disinformation actors, including right-wing influencers and AfD politicians, targeted the Green Party during the 2022 gas crisis. Using a dataset of over 1.2 million Twitter posts, the study finds that the Greens were mentioned more than twice as often as any other party, frequently as targets of narratives that blamed them for energy shortages while ignoring Russia's role in the crisis. Key narrative clusters identified include claims that the stop of Nord Stream 2 was an ideological act, that the gas levy was a 'war declaration' against the people, and that Minister Robert Habeck was implementing a 'planned economy' to force a climate agenda.

The report identifies a shift from outright climate denial to 'discourses of delay'—narratives that accept climate change but justify inaction. During COP26, four primary delayist narratives trended: 'Hypocrisy and Elitism', 'Absolutionism', 'Unreliability of Renewables', and 'Ineffective Electric Vehicles'. The authors argue that a small group of 'repeat offender' influencers and right-wing media outlets drive the majority of this content, often leveraging algorithmic amplification on platforms like Facebook and Twitter. The report concludes with seven policy recommendations, including the adoption of a unified definition of climate disinformation and stricter enforcement against repeat offenders.