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The report argues that transitioning the U.S. transportation sector to 100 percent electric vehicle (EV) sales by 2030-2035, paired with a 90 percent clean grid by 2035, is technologically feasible and economically beneficial. It outlines a strategic framework focusing on national emission standards, targeted financial incentives, the expansion of charging infrastructure, and the growth of domestic manufacturing. The authors emphasize that this transition must prioritize environmental justice and social equity, specifically targeting low-to-moderate-income communities and those disproportionately affected by transportation pollution. Key recommendations include reforming the federal EV tax credit into a point-of-sale rebate, implementing 'made in America' policies for battery production, and streamlining grid interconnection and building codes to support rapid EVSE deployment.

The report outlines a strategic framework for zero-carbon investing in China, identifying seven priority technology areas—resource recycling, energy efficiency, demand-side electrification, zero-carbon power generation, energy storage, hydrogen, and digitalization—with a projected market size of nearly ¥15 trillion (US$2.32 trillion) by 2050 and total infrastructure investment of approximately ¥70 trillion (US$10.8 trillion) between 2020 and 2050.

The report identifies 12 governance challenges in Botswana, noting that while the country has a history of good governance, it now faces rising corruption and a lack of accountability. Key areas of concern include the marginalisation of smaller parties and women/youth due to the First Past the Post electoral system, poor public service performance resulting from a lack of comprehensive decentralisation policy, and economic exclusion where many citizens remain below the poverty line despite national growth. The submission recommends a Mixed Member Proportional Representation system, the creation of a national action plan on human rights, and the development of a written overarching foreign policy framework centered on the economy.

The author contends that the Biden-Harris administration provides an opportunity to reboot transatlantic relations by integrating diverse civil society movements—such as those focused on climate, racial justice, and gender equality—into the political discourse. The text argues that the previous focus on a common security policy is obsolete and should be replaced by a narrative of democratic resilience and inclusivity. It highlights the role of grassroots networks and regional initiatives, such as the 'We Are Still In' and 'Under2Coalition' alliances, as models for strengthening solidarity. The document concludes that achieving a 'build back better' transatlantic relationship requires structural and financial support for civil society and the implementation of joint regulations on hate speech and disinformation.

The We Mean Business coalition asserts that ending coal dependence is critical for limiting global warming and achieving 2030 and 2050 climate targets. It advocates for a full phase-out of coal power in advanced economies by 2030 and globally by 2040, noting that renewables now outcompete new coal virtually everywhere. The text highlights a shift in the private sector, with major insurers and mining companies divesting from coal, and emphasizes that a transition to clean power would improve public health and create more jobs than traditional economic stimulus measures.

The Green Economy Coalition introduces the Triple B Framework to address capital misallocation and sluggish growth in the green transition. The framework identifies 'bottlenecks' (structural, processual, and cognitive barriers) and 'blind spots' (behavioral biases resulting from homogeneity in the finance industry) that hinder investment. It redefines 'blended finance' to include non-financial capital—such as social, political, and cultural capital—arguing that these are often more critical than financial capital in emerging markets. The report suggests that supporting 'ecosystem builders' and sequencing non-financial capital before financial injections can de-risk investments and better serve developing countries.

The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has historically been overlooked in peace talks but must be integrated into every phase of the peace process. It emphasizes broadening the lens of victims to include men and boys, who face significant social stigma and service gaps. The briefing provides specific recommendations for early-stage agreements, ceasefire negotiations, Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR), Security Sector Reform (SSR), and transitional justice, highlighting the need for accountability, gender-sensitive security indicators, and recognition for children born of wartime sexual violence.

The letter urges EU officials to adopt gross greenhouse gas reduction targets and separate carbon removal targets to ensure that forest restoration does not serve as a 'smoke screen' for climate inaction in the energy, transport, and industrial sectors. It argues that fossil carbon and atmospheric carbon pools are distinct and that forest sinks are too impermanent and uncertain to justify market-based offsets.

Environmental NGOs are calling for the European Commission to ensure equal access for all stakeholders, including the creation of a formal observer status, in fisheries negotiations between the EU and the UK. The letter highlights an uneven playing field where industry members have more access than eNGOs, noting that only the Netherlands and Ireland have opened their delegations to eNGOs. The authors demand comprehensive documentation of negotiations and timely stakeholder consultations to align with the Aarhus Convention and sustainability commitments under the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA).

Environmental NGOs are calling for formal observer status and improved documentation to ensure equal access for all stakeholders in fisheries negotiations between the UK, EU, and Norway, arguing that current access is inconsistent and depends on the goodwill of parties.

A coalition of 225 organisations argues that providing COVID-19 aid through Myanmar's military junta would legitimize the regime and undermine public health, calling instead for direct support to civil society and the protection of gas revenues for humanitarian use.

The authors contend that environmental degradation and climate change are fundamental drivers of food insecurity and conflict. They highlight how resource competition in regions like the Sahel and Yemen fuels violence and extremism, while pointing to natural farming successes in India as a model for resilience. The document recommends that international security institutions acknowledge climate security risks to effectively address stability and displacement.

The Public Affairs Research Institute urges President Cyril Ramaphosa to strengthen the draft National Implementation Framework towards the Professionalisation of the Public Service. The author contends that current norms allow political office bearers to prioritize personal connections over expertise, contributing to corruption and the breakdown of basic services. The letter proposes granting the Public Service Commission greater institutional independence to manage the appointment and removal of senior public servants, including the head of the public service and directors-general, to ensure a capable state able to address social, economic, and climate crises.

The authors advocate for a diversified strategy to reach Canada's 2050 carbon neutrality goal, distinguishing between "safe bets" (commercialized technologies) and "risky bets" (emerging technologies). They argue that while safe bets can provide two-thirds of the emissions reductions needed by 2030, risky bets are necessary for cost-effective long-term elimination of emissions. The document calls for a combination of clear incentives for deployment and regulatory support for pilot projects, emphasizing public-private partnerships.

The document highlights the severe health disparities caused by vehicle air pollution in Latinx and other communities of color across the United States, noting that Latinx people are twice as likely as white Americans to visit emergency rooms for asthma. It advocates for a national transition to electric vehicles, including phasing out new fossil fuel vehicle sales by 2035 and electrifying all vehicles by 2050. The author calls for targeted investments in clean public transit and the electrification of medium and heavy-duty trucks to achieve environmental justice.

The submission argues that the UNCITRAL Working Group III's draft work plan must better facilitate the participation of developing states and ensure the inclusion of critical cross-cutting issues in ISDS reform. The authors propose moving to an opt-out participation model for intersessional work, providing translation services for non-English speaking delegations, and increasing transparency regarding drafting processes and expert roles. Additionally, they call for the explicit inclusion of cross-cutting issues—such as regulatory chill, exhaustion of local remedies, and the calculation of damages—which they claim have been notably absent from recent agendas and working papers.

The Court of Justice confirmed that State aid for nuclear power plants is permissible under Article 107(3)(c) TFEU provided it is compatible with the internal market. Crucially, the ruling establishes that EU environmental law—including the precautionary and sustainability principles—applies to the nuclear sector, and any aid to an activity violating these laws is necessarily incompatible with the internal market. ClientEarth argues that the Commission should use this precedent to systematically enforce Green Deal objectives and the 'do no significant harm' principle across all State aid, recommending updated notification forms and stricter compliance checks for climate neutrality targets.

ClientEarth argues that the EU is overinvesting in methane gas infrastructure and urges the Commission to implement a methane product standard by 2025 to integrate climate costs into gas prices. The document recommends that public financial support for methane gas or gas-derived hydrogen be precluded or strictly conditioned on carbon capture and storage (CCS) and lifecycle emission caps. It further calls for institutional reform to ensure independent energy system planning, the prioritisation of energy efficiency over new infrastructure, and the cessation of the term 'natural gas' to avoid greenwashing.

The report outlines a strategy to move Nigeria's humanitarian and social protection payments from physical cash to an open-loop digital payment ecosystem. It identifies key barriers, including low recipient digital literacy, regulatory restrictions on mobile money operators, and a lack of integrated beneficiary registries. The roadmap proposes four main pillars: enhancing coordination between agencies via a shared dashboard and NIN integration, segmenting recipients by digital readiness, developing the digital ecosystem through community savings groups and merchant payment transitions, and conducting regulatory advocacy to address PSB licensing and USSD costs.

The report identifies that most humanitarian and social protection cash transfers in Nigeria are delivered as physical cash due to a bank-led market and a lack of robust digital financial service (DFS) ecosystems. Key barriers include restrictive agent e-float limits set by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), low recipient digital literacy, and a lack of economic incentive for financial service providers (FSPs) to maintain permanent accounts for poor recipients. The document recommends segmenting beneficiaries by digital readiness, strengthening foundational identity through National Identification Number (NIN) registration, and digitising merchant payments to reduce the liquidity burden of cash disbursements.