Search Climate Insights Directory

QuotaClimat has issued 17 recommendations to the French government to ensure the upcoming national plan on environmental and climate information effectively tackles disinformation. These proposals focus on monitoring media coverage, protecting environmental spokespeople, funding research, and strengthening regulatory frameworks like the Digital Services Act and the roles of VIGINUM and Arcom. The initiative follows France's commitment to the Global Declaration for Climate Information Integrity at COP30 and recommendations from the High Council for the Climate 2025 report.

The report finds that while the May 2026 heatwave triggered a spike in media attention, coverage often lacked depth regarding the causes of climate change and structural adaptation solutions. Public broadcasters and specific press outlets like Le Monde and L'Humanité more consistently linked the event to global warming, whereas private channels like CNews and BFMTV frequently omitted this connection. The analysis highlights a preference for palliative adaptation measures, such as air conditioning, over structural solutions like urban greening or thermal renovation, and notes the emergence of climate disinformation narratives on certain platforms.

The report identifies 47 uncontested cases of climate disinformation on six German TV channels from April 2025 to April 2026, noting that both public and private broadcasters are vulnerable. Political figures and guests are the primary sources of this disinformation, with a significant portion of cases focusing on the economic and technical reliability of the energy transition.

The report identifies 47 unchallenged cases of climate misinformation across six German TV channels (Sat.1, ZDF, ProSieben, RTL, Das Erste, and Kabel Eins) from April 2025 to April 2026. It finds that misinformation is often reactive, peaking around political events like the 2025 federal elections and the 2026 Climate Action Programme. The most dominant narratives target the economic and technical reliability of the Energiewende, while others focus on nuclear energy inaccuracies and the deflection of national responsibility. Politicians and guests are the primary vectors, accounting for 70% of cases, though journalists and commentators also contribute nearly 30%. Both public (ZDF) and private (Sat.1) broadcasters show vulnerability, with ZDF's risk linked to political talk shows and Sat.1's to the loosely structured format of morning shows. The report recommends journalist training on obstruction mechanisms, real-time fact-checking for live panels, and the creation of an independent media observatory.

The report identifies 815 cases of climate misinformation across 44 audiovisual channels in Brazil, Spain, France, and Poland. It finds that private media are significantly more porous to disinformation than public media, with 85% of cases occurring in private outlets. A strong negative correlation exists between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, meaning media that cover climate issues more frequently tend to spread less misinformation. The study highlights a shift toward 'new climate denial,' which focuses on obstructing climate action and attacking renewable energy rather than denying the existence of warming. Renewable energy is a primary target, often linked to narratives of lost sovereignty, anti-EU sentiment, and social decline. The report recommends improved journalist training, stricter guest selection protocols, and increased accountability for broadcasters.

The report identifies 815 cases of climate disinformation across 44 audiovisual channels in four countries, finding that private media are significantly more prone to spreading such content than public media. It highlights a negative correlation between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, suggesting that consistent reporting reduces the risk of misinformation. The analysis reveals distinct national narratives: France focuses heavily on renewable energy costs and inefficiency; Poland links climate policy to anti-EU sentiment and industrial decline; Brazil emphasizes agribusiness virtues and climate denial; and Spain shows a unique susceptibility to 'chemtrails' conspiracy theories. The document recommends journalist training on obstructionist discourses, more rigorous guest selection for TV sets, regular environmental coverage, and the establishment of accountability frameworks for disinformation spreaders.

The analysis of 44 media channels across four countries identified 815 cases of climate disinformation, with 85% occurring in private media. France experienced the highest volume of disinformation (665 cases), while Spain had the lowest (20 cases). In Europe, disinformation focuses heavily on renewable energy, often linked to anti-EU sentiment and perceived industrial decline, particularly in Poland. In Brazil, disinformation is tied to pro-agribusiness narratives and climate change denial. Peaks in disinformation correlate with environmental policy debates, international events, extreme weather, and statements by influential figures like Donald Trump.

The analysis of 44 media channels across four countries identified 815 cases of climate disinformation, with 85% occurring in private media. France showed the highest volume of cases, while Spain had the lowest. The report finds a negative correlation between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, noting that disinformation often aligns with specific national narratives: pro-agribusiness in Brazil, anti-EU sentiment and industrial decline in Poland, and renewable energy skepticism in France.

The report analyzes climate disinformation in French and Brazilian mainstream media, finding that in France, disinformation is systemic and often linked to political and economic interests, while in Brazil, it manifests as a strategic 'invisibilization' of environmental issues driven by the agribusiness sector. It recommends strengthening media regulation, improving journalist training, and integrating disinformation detection into emergency response systems for extreme weather events.

The report analyzes climate disinformation in French and Brazilian mainstream media, finding that while France sees a high volume of structured disinformation narratives—particularly regarding energy and mobility—Brazil experiences a 'media invisibility' of environmental issues driven by agribusiness and political influence. It highlights the role of public broadcasting as a bulwark in France and warns that disinformation during extreme weather events can undermine emergency responses. The authors recommend strengthening media regulation, improving journalist training, and institutionalizing semi-automated disinformation detection systems.

The report identifies a persistent presence of climate disinformation in French mainstream media, noting 128 certified cases over three months. It highlights a significant over-representation of such content in private media, particularly Sud Radio, and observes peaks in disinformation coinciding with major political events. The analysis also employs the CARDS framework to identify 373 instances of 'inaction discourse,' primarily targeting climate solutions and messengers. The authors call for increased environmental coverage, better journalist training, and stronger regulatory action by ARCOM.

The report identifies 128 instances of climate disinformation and 373 narratives of inaction in French audiovisual media between January and March 2025. It highlights a significant concentration of disinformation in private media, particularly Sud Radio, and notes spikes in misleading content during major political events such as Donald Trump's inauguration. The analysis finds that energy and mobility are the most targeted sectors, with a strong tendency to discredit green transition solutions and messengers. The authors argue that traditional media are becoming catalysts for the normalization of climate disinformation, exacerbated by low overall airtime dedicated to environmental issues (2%) and a lack of journalistic challenge to inaccurate claims during interviews.

QuotaClimat argues that media coverage of environmental issues in France is structurally insufficient and declining, representing only 2% of airtime as of March 2025. To remedy this, the association proposes a legislative measure to institute a minimum airtime floor for environmental topics during election periods for broadcasters showing visible imbalances. The document defends this approach by noting that quantitative regulation already exists in French media law for other areas, such as gender representation and political pluralism, and argues that the right to environmental information is a constitutional necessity.

QuotaClimat asserts that climate disinformation poses economic, security, and democratic threats to the European Union, arguing that existing laws like the Digital Services Act and AI Act lack specific measures to address it. The organization advocates for the recognition of climate disinformation as a distinct risk and proposes a strategy based on sectoral action, regulatory reinforcement, and the protection of journalists. In collaboration with journalist federations and environmental NGOs, QuotaClimat supports a six-point manifesto to strengthen media regulation, combat false information on CSR policies and scientific consensus, and protect environmental journalists as whistleblowers.

The document identifies climate disinformation as a growing economic, security, and democratic threat to the European Union, noting that existing laws like the Digital Services Act and AI Act lack tailored measures for this specific issue. QuotaClimat, alongside journalists' federations and NGOs, proposes a three-pillar response—sectoral action, filling regulatory gaps, and protecting media—and a six-priority manifesto to strengthen media literacy, protect environmental journalists, and combat false information regarding scientific consensus on global warming.

This report by QuotaClimat examines how climate disinformation has moved from social media fringes into mainstream news outlets, particularly in France. It identifies structural vulnerabilities in the media industry—such as financial crises, the rise of 'infotainment', and a regulatory vacuum—that allow anti-science narratives to proliferate. The document argues that news media, despite their perceived credibility, often act as channels for disinformation through 'false balance' and selective framing. It concludes by advocating for a new legislative framework in France to mandate environmental coverage standards and strengthen the role of the regulator, Arcom.

The document evaluates statements from three political figures on topics including immigration, youth unemployment, public finances, and energy contracts, frequently labeling claims as 'Faux' (False) or 'À nuancer' (To be nuanced).

A panel of over 30 experts analyzed claims from the June 27, 2024, France 2 legislative debate, focusing on immigration, security, economy, and environment. The analysis identifies several inaccuracies, including claims about France's global CO2 emissions, the efficiency of wind turbines, and the relationship between immigration and insecurity.

The document evaluates statements from Jordan Bardella (RN), Gabriel Attal (Ensemble), and Manuel Bompard (NFP) regarding the 2024 French legislative debate. Key findings include the correction of claims about France's public debt, the impact of immigration on security and finances, and the technical and economic realities of the energy transition, such as electric vehicle costs and wind turbine efficiency.

The report evaluates claims made by candidates from the Socialist Party, Renew, La France insoumise, and Les Écologistes across five key sectors: transport, housing, agriculture, international trade, and finance. It corrects misconceptions regarding railway privatization, energy renovation rates, agricultural demographics, and the financial impact of proposed green taxes.