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The text examines how social media algorithms and bots facilitate the spread of disinformation, specifically citing climate change denial and political manipulation. It proposes that governments implement legislation requiring platforms to show fact-checks to users who have seen disinformation and suggests treating large platforms as news organizations. Additionally, it advocates for the financial support of independent journalism through subsidies and a ban on microtargeting to ensure a healthy democratic debate based on shared facts.

The paper explores 'Buen Vivir', an indigenous-rooted concept from Latin America that challenges anthropocentrism and infinite economic growth. It examines the concept's formal introduction into EU-Latin American relations via a 2015 EuroLat resolution and contrasts it with the 'Green Economy' and 'European Green Deal', which the authors argue maintain a growth-centric logic. While governmental adoption in Europe remains limited, the text identifies local 'post-developmentalist' practices in countries like Spain, Greece, and the Netherlands—such as agroecology and the recognition of nature's rights—as aligned with Buen Vivir principles.

The author contends that the economic crisis caused by COVID-19 presents a unique opportunity for Spain to replace its unsustainable productive model with one based on environmental sustainability and social justice. By utilizing the EU's Next Generation funds and the European Green Deal, Spain can pursue a 'just transition' that mitigates the adverse effects of closing polluting industries, such as coal mines, while creating new employment in renewable energy and energy efficiency. The document highlights Spain's progress through the National Integrated Energy and Climate Plan (PNIEC) 2021-2030 and the establishment of 'Just Transition Agreements' in regions like Asturias and León, asserting that decarbonization can lead to a net gain in employment.

The document explores how the climate crisis and energy transition are reshaping global power dynamics, particularly for the European Union. It argues that traditional geopolitics—focused on state rivalry and resource control—must be replaced by a model of 'ecological security' and 'steward statehood' rooted in human rights and social justice. Key analyses include the EU's 'open strategic autonomy,' the risks of corporate-led hydrogen projects, China's Belt and Road Initiative's energy dimensions, and the necessity of a global fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty. It emphasizes that the green transition must be a 'just transition' to avoid social backlash and that Europe should lead by example in decarbonization and multilateral cooperation.

The paper explores 'buen vivir' (living well), a biocentric paradigm from Latin America that challenges the modern focus on infinite economic growth. While formal EU-Latin America diplomatic efforts, such as the 2015 EuroLat resolution, have acknowledged the concept, it remains overshadowed by the 'green economy' and 'European Green Deal' frameworks that maintain a focus on productivity. However, the authors identify a rise in local European initiatives—such as granting legal rights to nature in Spain and the Netherlands and the growth of agroecology and commons-based projects—that align with the logic of buen vivir by seeking a harmonious relationship between humans and nature.

The author contends that Western governments have historically been complicit in human rights abuses by ignoring or supporting repressive regimes for national interest. This is exemplified by the situation in Xinjiang, where Uighurs face mass detention, forced labour, and cultural repression. The text calls for the EU and UK to move beyond rhetoric and implement targeted sanctions, boycotts, and UN-led actions to combat forced labour and genocide.

The document examines the COVID-19 pandemic as a systemic crisis that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-based systems. It argues that the health crisis is inextricably linked to environmental collapse, specifically biodiversity loss and zoonotic risks. The text advocates for the revival of the social state, the implementation of a 'foundational economy' that prioritizes basic human needs over profit, and the adoption of 'technological humanism' to bridge the digital divide. It also analyzes the political responses of Green parties in Europe and the rise of authoritarianism and right-wing populism during the crisis, while highlighting grassroots solidarity networks and the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on marginalized groups, including migrants and the elderly.

The author argues that the Law and Justice (PiS) party used social policies as a 'smokescreen' to establish an authoritarian system in Poland. During the pandemic, the government introduced 'shield' legislation that attempted to exclude trade unions from layoff negotiations and grant the prime minister power to dismiss members of the Social Dialogue Council. These actions, combined with a Constitutional Tribunal ruling that significantly restricted abortion rights and the creation of 'LGBT-free zones', have alienated the working class and weakened the party's populist claim to represent the people. While the opposition has yet to fully capture the resulting undecided voters, the author suggests that defending social and reproductive rights is the primary path to challenging right-wing populism in Poland.

The authors evaluate the EU's Next Generation EU and Germany's national recovery strategy, noting that while multi-billion-euro figures are earmarked for climate action, much of the funding remains conditional or unquantified. Drawing on the 2008 financial crisis, where green recovery efforts failed to prevent a global emissions rebound in 2010, the paper emphasizes the role of parliamentarians in overseeing budgets and implementing mechanisms like carbon border taxes to ensure a genuine energy transition.

The research paper examines the responses of far-right parties—specifically the Lega (Italy), AfD (Germany), and Swedish Democrats (Sweden)—to the Covid-19 pandemic. It argues that while these parties initially struggled to find a resonant message due to a 'rally around the flag' effect favoring incumbent governments, they continue to use the crisis to reinforce populist divisions between 'the people' and 'elites' or 'others'. The author suggests that the future of far-right populism will depend on the social and economic consequences of government measures and the perceived legitimacy of expert-led decision-making.

The Croatian parliamentary election of 5 July 2020 saw the conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) maintain dominance, securing 66 seats. Despite a tight race predicted by polls, the HDZ benefited from a low voter turnout of 49.6% and the leadership of Andrej Plenković. The centre-left Restart coalition, led by the SDP, underperformed with 41 seats due to ageing policies and leadership issues. The far-right Homeland Movement gained 16 seats but failed to become a kingmaker. A significant outcome was the success of the green-left coalition Možemo, which won 7 mandates, marking the first sizeable green force in the Croatian parliament. Možemo's success is rooted in grassroots activism for environmental sustainability, social equality, and anti-corruption, serving as a potential model for similar movements in Montenegro and Serbia.

The document argues that the post-WWII multilateral order is fragmenting, leaving Europe vulnerable to the influence of China and Russia and the unpredictability of US policy. The author proposes a 'networked foreign policy' and 'European strategic sovereignty' to reduce dependencies and preserve EU values. This approach emphasizes the need for Europe to act as a unified geopolitical player, investing in its own technological capabilities (such as 5G and semiconductors) and safeguarding public goods like health and climate protection. The author specifically calls for the EU to reduce reliance on foreign medical supplies and to resist the dominance of US and Chinese tech giants through stronger regulation and a pro-European anti-trust policy.

The author argues that the disproportionate fame of Greta Thunberg, the "Greta effect", is a symptom of a system that privileges white activists from the Global North while marginalising activists of colour. This bias extends from media coverage—where people of colour are often stereotyped as victims or erased entirely—to environmental policymaking, where the exclusion of marginalised voices leads to projects that harm indigenous and minority communities. The document advocates for an intersectional approach to climate action to address these power imbalances and ensure that those most affected by climate change can own their narratives and influence policy.

The authors contend that the EU suffers from diffuse accountability and a 'double deadlock' caused by a reliance on closed-door Franco-German agreements. They argue that Germany's role as a 'benevolent hegemon' is problematic because Berlin seeks to minimize costs and maximize control over debtor states while remaining reluctant to fully embrace its power. The text suggests that the only way to break this impasse is through 'transnational politics'—the creation of shifting alliances across national borders and the engagement of civil society—to replace the current 'constructive ambiguity' of European diplomacy.

The document examines the role of basic income as a focal point for grassroots organising in Scotland, focusing on the Citizens’ Basic Income Network Scotland (CBINS). It argues that basic income attracts a diverse supporter base because it offers a common solution to varied problems, such as poverty, health inequality, and precarious employment. The author details CBINS's strategies, including the use of social media, face-to-face events in Glasgow and Edinburgh, and partnerships with other NGOs and academic institutions. While the document notes a more hospitable political climate in Scotland compared to the rest of the UK—highlighted by a £250,000 government fund for feasibility studies—it emphasizes the need to bridge the gap between grassroots demand and formal policy to ensure the long-term viability of such schemes.

The author contends that the military-industrial complex operates under a 'regime of exception' that allows it to evade environmental regulations and carbon accounting, specifically citing exemptions in the Kyoto Protocol. The text highlights the contradiction of using militarization to address climate-induced security threats while the military itself remains a massive emitter of greenhouse gases. It calls for a 'military degrowth' approach, including a moratorium on the arms race, to ensure that security strategies are compatible with the goal of limiting global warming to 2 degrees Celsius.

The author contends that the military-industrial complex operates with a level of impunity that allows it to bypass environmental regulations and the polluter-pays principle. While the military frames climate change as a 'threat multiplier' to justify budget increases, the document asserts that militarisation is fundamentally incompatible with a decarbonised economy. It calls for a 'manifesto for military degrowth,' including a moratorium on arms races and the suspension of energy-intensive 'force projection' to mitigate climatic disruption.

The author examines the EU's transition to renewable energy as a geopolitical shift that offers benefits like reduced import dependence and increased 'soft power', but introduces risks such as industrial rivalry with China and the US, and internal disparities between Western and Eastern Europe. The text argues that the EU currently lacks a clear technical vision for its future integrated energy system, which could lead to inefficient investments and vulnerability to external 'divide and conquer' tactics. It suggests that the EU must combine energy goals with industrial policy and infrastructure standards to maintain global competitiveness, while utilizing mechanisms like the Just Transition Fund to mitigate internal socio-economic frictions.

Since 2015, the Law and Justice (PiS) party has led Poland toward Euroscepticism and the erosion of the rule of law. The author argues that PiS's worldview creates critical contradictions: while seeking to reduce dependence on Russian gas and oil, the government has increased imports of cheaper Russian coal and lacks a strategic plan for renewable energy, leading to a rise in carbon emissions. Simultaneously, while opening the labor market to Ukrainian workers for economic reasons, PiS has overseen a deterioration in bilateral relations with Ukraine and tightened citizenship laws, potentially priming the country for a nationalistic backlash.

The analysis argues that the European Union has experienced a period of 'regulatory fatigue' and 'backsliding' in financial oversight since 2014. It highlights five specific failures: the abandonment of structural banking reforms to separate high-risk activities, the adoption of dysfunctional prudential rules (such as an inoperative 3% leverage ratio), the failure to effectively limit food speculation through high technical thresholds, the lack of supervision for the growing shadow banking system, and the 'resurrection' of risky securitisation practices. The author concludes that these failures, combined with the shift of risk to under-regulated entities and the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, leave the EU ill-equipped to handle a new financial crisis.