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The briefing analyzes Zimbabwe's strategic options regarding membership in the SADC, COMESA, SACU, and EAC regional blocs. While Zimbabwe has significantly higher trade volumes and deeper political ties with SADC, it is attracted to COMESA due to a larger, more balanced market and faster integration progress. The author concludes that Zimbabwe is likely to join the COMESA Customs Union, though this depends on South Africa's regional role and the outcome of EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic shift from its role as a dominant power in southern Africa during and after the apartheid era to a leader of the 'Global South'. It examines how South Africa uses its influence in the UN and within non-aligned blocs to challenge Western diplomatic dominance and advocate for a more equitable global order. The author highlights specific diplomatic actions regarding Iran and Myanmar as evidence of this strategy to shift power away from the UN Security Council toward the General Assembly and other non-Western constellations.

The author contends that Africa's 14 regional economic communities are largely ineffective due to a lack of funding, staff, and political commitment. Using the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as a primary example, the text highlights how vague strategic documents like the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) fail to assign clear responsibility for implementation. The author suggests that national leaders may prefer weak regional bodies to avoid conflict and concludes that these organisations must adopt the same transparency and accountability standards required of national governments to eliminate inefficiency and corruption.

The author argues that the African Union's (AU) reliance on a rotational system for selecting its annual chairman creates a crisis of credibility when the designated region's candidate is a leader accused of grave human rights abuses. Specifically, the document highlights the risk of installing Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir as chair in 2007 despite the ongoing conflict in Darfur, where the Sudanese government has been accused of attacking civilians and bombing villages. The text notes that while Sudan was bypassed in 2006 in favor of Congo, a 2006 AU Assembly declaration deferred Sudan's claim to 2007. The author suggests that the AU must move beyond simple rotation toward firmer rules regarding the qualifications of its leaders to avoid damaging its international reputation.

The report examines the 'spaghetti bowl' of overlapping regional economic communities (RECs) in southern and eastern Africa, focusing on the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), and the East African Community (EAC). It highlights the institutional tensions caused by multiple memberships and the pressure from EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations. The authors argue that SACU should be positioned as a core 'fast-tracking' anchor for regional integration, but emphasize that it must first 'get the basics right' by improving trade facilitation, statistics, and its internal institutional framework before expanding.

The report examines the experience of South African companies operating in Senegal, highlighting the country's political stability and macroeconomic reforms as key attractions. While sectors like mining and energy are lucrative, investors face challenges including rigid labour laws, weak intellectual property enforcement, and limited local disposable income. The document provides specific policy recommendations for both the Senegalese and South African governments to foster stronger economic ties.

The report analyzes the feminization of migration in the SADC region, noting that women represent approximately 47% of migrants. It highlights a significant reliance on informal remittance channels due to high costs and restrictive access to formal banking. While remittances are critical for meeting basic needs like food, health, and education, there is little evidence of their use for productive economic investment. The document also examines the intersection of migration with HIV/AIDS and the challenges posed by gender-blind national and regional policies.

The report examines the investment climate in Kenya from the perspective of South African firms, highlighting Kenya's role as a strategic hub for East Africa. While South African companies are attracted by Kenya's skilled workforce and strategic location, they face significant hurdles including poor infrastructure, high electricity costs, corruption, and local resentment toward perceived South African economic dominance. The document analyzes the socio-economic landscape of Kenya, the trade imbalance between South Africa and Kenya, and the specific operational difficulties encountered by investors, such as red tape and insecurity. It concludes that while South African firms can be successful through local partnerships and sensitivity to Kenyan business culture, the Kenyan government must implement structural reforms in infrastructure and governance to sustain foreign direct investment.

The report examines China's development policy in Africa, highlighting its shift from political goals to economic priorities, specifically energy security and market expansion. It contrasts China's 'non-interference' approach with Western conditionality, noting that China's willingness to engage with 'rogue states' provides it a comparative advantage in securing resources. While critics argue this undermines governance and debt relief, the authors suggest that China's presence breaks the traditional 'aid cartel' and may encourage G8 donors to improve aid effectiveness. The report recommends that Western donors integrate China into a collaborative development strategy rather than demonising its approach.

The report examines the experiences of South African companies in Kenya, noting that while Kenya is an attractive 'natural entry point' to East Africa due to its skilled labor and business-friendly history, South African firms face significant hurdles. These include poor infrastructure, high electricity costs, corruption, and local resentment toward perceived South African corporate arrogance. The study highlights specific failures, such as the 'beer wars' and the closure of Metro Cash and Carry, while suggesting that South African firms must better accommodate local sensitivities to avoid being seen as economic hegemons.

The document examines the barriers to 'Mode 4' trade in services—the temporary movement of natural persons—within the SADC region. It highlights that while the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides a multilateral framework, it is often ineffective due to national security concerns and fears of permanent migration. The report details specific visa and work permit restrictions across SADC member states and discusses regional efforts to ease these barriers through various protocols, including the Protocol on the Facilitation of Movement of Persons and the Protocol on the Development of Tourism. It concludes that SADC should adopt a 'migration management' approach to harness skilled labour as a development resource rather than treating it as a threat.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is a central component of NEPAD designed to hold African leaders accountable for good governance and socio-economic development. However, the process is hindered by its voluntary nature, a lack of sanctioning power, and the absence of international institutions like the IMF and World Bank in its monitoring process. Political solidarity among leaders, funding shortages for the Secretariat, and country-specific implementation hurdles in nations such as Mauritius and Rwanda further undermine its ability to deliver tangible results.

The document outlines the strategic cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Africa, focusing on the EU Strategy for Africa and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It emphasizes the need for increased aid effectiveness, infrastructural development via the EU-Africa Infrastructure Partnership, and the creation of a Joint EU-Africa Strategy. Key priorities include poverty reduction, governance, peace and security, and energy cooperation, while highlighting the importance of African ownership of development strategies.

The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) is described as 'nearly dead' and 'in a coma' just five months after ratification, with violence against civilians intensifying. The report highlights the failure of the African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission due to inadequate funding, equipment, and a limited mandate, while the Sudanese government under President Omar al-Bashir resists a full UN peacekeeping deployment. The conflict is rooted in historical land disputes and the politics of natural resources, including unexploited oil, uranium, copper, and bauxite in Darfur. International action is complicated by the commercial interests of UN Security Council permanent members—China, Russia, and France—who buy Sudanese oil. The report concludes that while the proposed 'AU-Plus' option (an extended AU mission with UN logistical and financial support) may be insufficient, it represents the only viable alternative to break the current diplomatic impasse.

The document examines the fragmented landscape of trade in services within SADC, where liberalisation currently occurs through a variety of sector-specific Protocols and Memoranda of Understanding rather than a single integrated agreement. It highlights the role of South African foreign direct investment in services as a driver of regional growth and identifies key barriers to deeper integration, including the lack of an enforcement mechanism within the SADC Secretariat and political resistance to the free movement of persons (Mode IV). The discussion concludes that while regional liberalisation is beneficial for economic integration and global competitiveness, it must be balanced against the need for members to integrate into the global economy and adhere to WTO obligations.

The document details a discussion on South Africa's trade strategy amidst the suspension of WTO Doha Round negotiations and regional pressures. Panelists debated whether trade policy should be driven by domestic economic needs through unilateral reform or by strategic industrial policy and negotiated agreements. Key discussions covered the gridlock over agricultural subsidies in the WTO, the limited scope of existing free trade agreements (FTAs), and the complexities of achieving a SADC Customs Union by 2010.

The author contends that a 'bad deal' in the Doha round is preferable to 'no deal', as the failure of the WTO's multilateral system would leave developing countries vulnerable to the interests of wealthy nations in bilateral deals. The text outlines specific requirements for resolution, including US domestic subsidy limits of US$20 billion and EU agricultural tariff cuts of 54 percent. For South Africa, the author argues against import substitution and encourages the government to accept industrial tariff reductions to lower costs and promote exports, despite domestic political opposition from COSATU and business sectors.

The briefing details a seminar on South-South economic cooperation within the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) framework. While trilateral trade is increasing, the document highlights significant barriers to deeper economic integration, including logistical constraints, bureaucratic hurdles, and a lack of market awareness. A substantial portion of the discussion focuses on the aerospace industry, concluding that while the countries possess complementary strengths in niches like space (India), passenger aircraft (Brazil), and electronics (South Africa), cooperation is currently minimal. The participants argue that IBSA should not attempt to compete with global giants like Boeing or EADS, but rather collaborate to better integrate into existing global supply chains through government-facilitated business interactions.

The document analyses the transition of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) from a model of South African dominance and protectionism to one of 'open regionalism' and consensus-based decision-making under the 2002 agreement. Using game theory to explain the difficulties of regional cooperation, it argues that SACU's historical durability relied on a tradeoff where smaller members accepted South African policy dominance in exchange for generous shares of a common revenue pool. The 2002 agreement threatens this balance by seeking to reduce external tariffs, which would likely shrink the revenue pool, while granting smaller members veto rights over such reductions. The author suggests that for SACU to succeed in deepening integration or expanding membership to countries like Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, or Zimbabwe, it must find new ways to align the strategic self-interests of member governments with collective developmental goals.

The document reports on a roundtable discussion regarding South Africa's 42 bilateral investment treaties (BITs). It highlights the tension between protecting foreign investment and maintaining the state's ability to regulate for public interest, particularly regarding Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies. Key concerns include the risk of lawsuits over expropriation, the lack of transparency in arbitration, and the need to review and amend treaties to align with domestic development objectives.