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The document examines the evolution of Portuguese-Angolan relations since Angola's independence, highlighting a shift from historical conflict to a strategic partnership driven by economic interests and political rapprochement following the end of the Angolan civil war in 2002.

The document examines South Africa's industrial development zones (IDZs), established in 2000, and argues that current incentives are insufficient to attract necessary foreign investment. By comparing South African IDZs with special trade zones in the EU, US, Mercosur, India, and China, the author identifies gaps in regulatory, financial, and fiscal incentives. The paper recommends that the South African government introduce specific IDZ incentives, such as easing labour-market requirements and providing infrastructure and wage subsidies, while expanding the scope of these zones to include trade-related service industries.

One year after the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the author contends that South Africa must translate the success of the event into diplomatic action. By utilizing its positions in SADC, the AU, and the UN Security Council, South Africa is urged to address critical issues such as the Zimbabwe stalemate, crises in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire, and conflicts in Somalia, Darfur, and Abyei, thereby challenging 'Afro-pessimism' through substantive political leadership.

The document examines the role of business delegations in South African state visits from 2009 to 2010, highlighting the collaboration between Business Unity South Africa (BUSA) and the Department of Trade and Industry (dti). While these visits facilitate networking and government understanding of private sector needs, they face challenges including lack of dedicated funding, poor strategic planning, and concerns over political representivity. The author recommends a new model with clearer roles, dedicated resources, and pre-visit reconnaissance to maximize economic outcomes.

The forestry sector in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) suffers from systemic governance failures, including corruption, institutional incapacity, and a significant gap between policy and practice. Despite a title conversion process that left the country with 80 logging concessions covering less than 20% of forested areas, illegal logging persists due to weak deterrents and state harassment. Local communities are largely marginalized in decision-making and benefit-sharing, often lacking the capacity to negotiate 'cahiers des charges' (social contracts) with logging companies. Financially, the sector contributes only 1% to the national GDP, far below the 5% average for other COMIFAC countries, with tax reforms stalled by officials benefiting from unofficial levies. Strategic threats include the 'Asian rush' of new market players and a rise in informal artisanal exploitation by those whose titles were cancelled.

The policy brief examines the friction between Tanzania's land laws and its gold mining sector. While gold production has increased significantly, contributing 41.3% of export earnings, the lack of alignment between the land and mining cadastres has led to land degradation and tenure conflicts. The author highlights the environmental impact of large-scale mines, such as the North Mara Mine, and the unregulated nature of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). The brief recommends strengthening compensation frameworks, merging land and mining cadastres, and exploring co-ownership models to address the deep ancestral attachments of local communities to their land.

In a 2011 speech, Dame Nicola Brewer describes the evolving relationship between the UK and South Africa, framing Africa as a continent of potential rather than a problem. She highlights the UK's commitment to development aid, regional integration, and a transition to a carbon-constrained future, while advocating for shared democratic values and African leadership in resolving regional conflicts and reforming the UN Security Council.

The case study details the struggle of the Amadiba Crisis Committee to challenge mining rights granted to Transworld Energy and Mineral Resources. It highlights failures in community consultation, the absence of adequate environmental assessments, and the tension between a government-backed mining strategy and a community-preferred ecotourism model. The text also critiques the use of a Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) partner, XolCo, which the community claims is not representative.

The report evaluates South Africa's progress on governance themes identified by the APRM, noting that while institutional frameworks exist, implementation is often lacking. Key areas of concern include corruption, party-state blurring through 'cadre deployment', and high levels of poverty and unemployment. While elections are rated highly, the report highlights significant challenges in the justice system, service delivery, and the protection of media freedom.

The document examines the historical and contemporary drivers of conflict in Sudan, arguing that the centralisation of power in Khartoum and the economic neglect of peripheral regions created a pattern of resistance. It distinguishes between the 'high politics' of oil, which fueled the second civil war and secessionist movements, and the 'low politics' of subsistence resources, such as land and water, which continue to drive local-level violence between pastoralists and farmers. The author concludes that the stability of both Northern and Southern Sudan depends on their ability to move away from elite-driven power concentration and establish inclusive governance and resource-sharing frameworks.

The paper critiques South Africa's 'yes' vote on UN Security Council Resolution 1973, arguing that the country failed to foresee how the intervention in Libya would shift from protecting civilians to an unofficial NATO policy of regime change. It suggests that South Africa ignored warnings from BRICS partners regarding loopholes in the resolution and concludes that the country needs a more rigorous, principle-based approach to decision-making to be effective on the Security Council.

The document argues that increasing South African exports requires a dual focus on increasing the number of exporting firms and the volume each firm exports. It identifies that South African exporters are typically larger, more capital-intensive, and more productive than non-exporters, with a size threshold for successful export entry generally between 50 and 100 employees. High transport costs—specifically road transport and port charges—are cited as significant barriers to international competitiveness. The author recommends reducing these costs, encouraging firm growth to reach the necessary scale, and utilizing export processing zones (EPZs) to trial regulatory relaxations in labour and tax policy.

The document examines the political motivations behind hosting mega sport events (MSEs), contrasting the experiences of Germany (2006) and South Africa (2010). It argues that while MSEs are often promoted for economic gain, these expectations are rarely met. Instead, states use them for 'soft power'—using attraction and positive attributes to achieve policy goals. Germany focused on rebranding itself as a modern, welcoming nation to move past its Nazi history. South Africa used the event to project regional leadership, championing an 'Africa first' narrative to combat 'afro-pessimism' and position itself as the continent's representative. The author concludes that developing nations may rely more heavily on MSEs for soft power due to a lack of traditional international influence, though they face higher resource strains and opportunity costs.

The paper analyzes Kenya's experience with the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while the initial 2006 review was high-quality and well-supported, the subsequent implementation of the National Programme of Action (NPoA) failed due to a lack of political will, poor coordination with national development plans like 'Vision 2030', and competing governance initiatives. The author highlights the impact of the 2007 post-election violence and the role of the new constitution as a potential catalyst for revitalizing the APRM. Recommendations include strengthening the continental APR Secretariat, institutionalizing civil society monitoring, and learning from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) model of multi-stakeholder trust and capacity building.

The document analyzes Angola's foreign policy as a survival and development tool for the ruling MPLA government. It identifies three distinct phases: an initial period of survival (1975–2002) supported by the USSR and Cuba; a phase of reconstruction and growth (post-2002) driven by a strategic partnership with China; and an emerging transition toward democratic development involving closer ties with the US. The author highlights the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals with China and the ongoing tensions between the MPLA's desire for centralized control and domestic demands for transparency and democratic governance.

The document examines Angola's pragmatic foreign policy towards the BRIC nations following the 2002 Luena Peace Accord. It details how Angola utilizes different strengths of each partner—such as China's infrastructure credit, Brazil's educational ties, Russia's technical expertise in diamonds and energy, and India's technical capacity in rail and gas—to reconstruct its economy and diversify away from oil dependence.

The author contends that Laurent Gbagbo's claims of being a victim of French imperialism are contradicted by historical evidence. The text highlights that Gbagbo's rise to power in 2000 was supported by French diplomatic efforts and that he maintained pragmatic business and political ties with various French factions, including the Gaullists and the Socialist Party, throughout his presidency.

The author argues that President Ouattara lacks effective command and control over the rebel forces that helped him seize power, as these forces are fragmented and not inherently loyal to him. The military landscape is split between different rebel blocs and zone commanders, some of whom are under UN sanctions. Consequently, the author suggests that securing a monopoly on the use of force and negotiating the disarmament of these rebels is a more urgent priority for Ouattara than forming a government of national unity.

The document examines Rwanda's post-genocide trajectory, noting significant achievements in economic growth, gender parity in parliament, and progress toward Millennium Development Goals. However, it argues these gains are offset by a lack of political freedom, citing the 2010 elections, the suppression of independent media, and the intimidation of opposition voices under President Paul Kagame's administration. The author warns that the suppression of civil society could lead to instability similar to the pro-democracy uprisings then occurring in the Middle East and North Africa.

The document examines the precarious security situation in Côte d'Ivoire under President Alassane Ouattara, highlighting the tension between the need to reward the 'republican forces' who helped him seize power and the necessity of disarmament and human rights accountability. It argues that national reconciliation and the management of armed groups are essential prerequisites for the country to regain its status as a West African economic powerhouse.