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The document examines the deteriorating security and political situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as of October 2017, specifically focusing on the repeated postponement of national elections by President Joseph Kabila and the humanitarian crisis in the Kasai region. It criticizes SADC for its 'lacklustre' response and adherence to 'non-interference', which the author suggests aligns the body with the incumbent regime. The briefing warns that further instability could trigger a full-scale war, exacerbate refugee flows into neighbouring countries like Angola, and undermine previous peace gains. It recommends that SADC pressure President Kabila to hold elections, condemn government involvement in mass killings, and revive its role as a peace facilitator.

The document analyzes the strategic relationship between Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), asserting that the DRC is Luanda's most critical foreign policy objective. It details Angola's history of military intervention to protect the Congolese government and its own security interests, while noting a recent shift in policy. Angola is now signaling impatience with President Joseph Kabila's delay of elections, which Luanda views as a threat to long-term stability. This tension is exacerbated by the influx of over 32,000 refugees from the Kasai region into Angola since April 2017. The author concludes that while economic constraints may deter immediate military action, Angola will prioritize the DRC's political transition to prevent regional destabilization.

This research paper examines the 'use of country systems' (UCS) approach by multilateral development banks (MDBs) in Africa, analyzing the benefits of utilizing domestic processes over external conditionalities and the challenges that hinder its implementation.

The document examines the BRICS grouping's attempt to reshape the global order amid US isolationism, noting that while the group promotes equality and consensus, it is dominated by China, which accounts for nearly 66% of the projected 2017 BRICS GDP. It highlights internal tensions, such as the India-China rivalry in Doklam, and argues for the promotion of fairer trade and the upholding of global agreements like the Paris accord. The text concludes that BRICS must navigate growing rivalries in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia to avoid 20th-century great power conflicts, with South Africa intending to prioritize peace and security during its 2018 chairmanship.

The paper examines the role of South Africa and Kenya as regional economic gateways and the impact of private sustainability standards on SME participation in value chains. It identifies significant barriers for SMEs, including high certification costs, lack of awareness, and limited technical capacity, while highlighting the potential for multinational corporations to support supplier development. The authors provide recommendations for the G20 to facilitate open markets, improve SME financing, and harmonise sustainability standards to prevent them from becoming non-tariff barriers.

The document examines the tension in South Africa between the desire to attract skilled migrants and the drive to deter irregular, semi-skilled migration. It critiques the 2016 Green Paper on International Migration for proposing regressive asylum policies, such as processing centres, while noting positive steps toward regional SADC integration and the retention of foreign graduates. The authors highlight systemic bottlenecks, including poor inter-departmental coordination and the negative impact of the Licensing of Small Businesses Bill on migrant entrepreneurs, and argue that xenophobia is exacerbated by government discourse linking irregular migration to national security.

The document examines AVIC International's approach to skills transfer in Kenya, arguing that the company views local development as a business priority and a strategic tool for market expansion. It identifies a 'bootstrapping' model of development where projects evolve organically based on encountered obstacles. While stakeholders report high satisfaction with the programs, the study finds that concrete outcomes in terms of widespread job creation and machinery utilization remain mixed.

The document examines the shift by multilateral development banks (MDBs) toward using a borrower country's own domestic public financial management (PFM) and environmental and social frameworks (ESF) rather than imposing external rules. While UCS promotes national sovereignty and reduces duplication of costs, its adoption is hindered by MDB concerns over financial and reputational risks, as well as capacity gaps in borrowing countries. Case studies reveal divergent attitudes: South Africa views UCS as a right, Kenya prefers a hybrid approach, and Morocco is pragmatic, accepting MDB systems where domestic gaps exist.

The paper investigates the dynamics between South Africa, as a regional hegemon, and several 'secondary powers' in sub-Saharan Africa. It concludes that while these states possess significant material power, their ability to contest South African leadership is limited by poor governance and a lack of overlapping strategic interests. Most contestation is found to be unintended, with the exception of Angola, which employs a strategy of soft balancing through economic protectionism and strategic investments.

This research paper examines Tanzania's capacity to attract foreign investment, highlighting the shift from socialist governance to a model that relies on foreign capital for job creation and social upliftment. It identifies key competitive advantages and proposes structural reforms to improve the country's investment destination status.

The document argues that while using country systems (UCS) respects sovereignty and promotes national ownership, MDBs are hindered by financial, reputational, and technical risks. It recommends moving away from 'one-size-fits-all' safeguards toward tailored approaches, strengthening local capacity, and empowering MDB country offices to manage risks more effectively.

The report analyzes the economic landscape of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), highlighting the dominance of South Africa and the structural challenges facing small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS). Through eight case studies, it identifies critical bottlenecks including unreliable electricity, high transport costs, non-harmonized standards, and burdensome customs procedures. The paper argues that a SACU development fund could be a pivotal tool to finance regional infrastructure and regulatory reforms, moving beyond the current revenue-sharing model to foster genuine industrialization and pro-poor economic outcomes.

The document examines the South African e-commerce landscape, noting that while the market is growing—with online user penetration expected to reach 60.1% by 2021—it remains primarily a middle-class instrument. It identifies significant supply-side barriers, including high data costs and unreliable logistics, and demand-side barriers centered on a lack of trust in online payments and delivery. The author argues that while the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act 2002 provides a foundational legal framework, South Africa lacks a single overarching e-commerce law and needs further policy interventions in education, financial services, and infrastructure to fully leverage the digital economy for poverty alleviation and women's empowerment.

The paper positions gender equality as a cornerstone of the green economy, asserting that without it, sustainable development and poverty eradication cannot be achieved. It defines a green economy as one that is low carbon, resource efficient, and socially inclusive, and argues that existing gender disparities in economic, political, legal, and environmental spheres must be addressed to prevent the 'brown economy's' inequalities from persisting. The author proposes gender mainstreaming and women's empowerment as key strategies to ensure women are active agents of change rather than marginalized victims. However, the paper warns that without gender-responsive policies and budgeting, the transition to green jobs—estimated at 15–60 million globally—may fail to benefit women, particularly in developing countries where they are often trapped in informal, low-wage agricultural work.

The author critiques the We-Fi initiative's potential reliance on 'economic instrumentalism,' warning that financial access cannot solve gender inequality if structural barriers—such as property laws and patriarchal social norms—remain unaddressed.

The German G20 presidency focused on 'Shaping an Interconnected World' through initiatives like the Compact with Africa and the Marshall Plan for Africa, aimed at reducing investment risks and addressing migration root causes. However, the 2017 Hamburg summit faced significant tension due to US President Donald Trump's protectionist agenda and withdrawal from the Paris Climate Change Agreement. The author suggests that a broad G20 agenda—covering everything from tax cooperation to the 2030 Agenda—may help Chancellor Merkel find common ground with the US despite deep disagreements on trade and climate.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel sought to establish a 'Compact with Africa' during her 2017 G20 presidency to foster genuine partnerships based on agreed goals and performance standards. The initiative aims to create stable investment environments for infrastructure development while addressing mutual responsibilities in migration, corruption, and counter-terrorism. Key priorities for the compact's success include funding the Green Climate Fund to help African nations adapt to global warming, curbing illicit financial flows—estimated by the AU/UN to exceed $50 billion annually—and utilizing the African Peer Review Mechanism for governance monitoring. The document notes that US reluctance toward multilateralism under Donald Trump complicates these efforts, particularly regarding famine relief and climate finance.

The document explores the evolution of pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance, arguing that because there is no single stipulated African model for governance, institutionalisation should be achieved through localisation of norms and total African ownership of processes and funding.

The document argues that while climate-smart agriculture (CSA) can enhance food security and climate resilience in sub-Saharan Africa, its adoption is hindered by physical input shortages and institutional failures. It recommends improving tenure security, expanding financial instruments like crop insurance, and strengthening local governance and scientific research to scale these practices.

The document examines the failure of community trusts to deliver broad-based empowerment in South Africa's mining sector, highlighting how historical land tenure and the power of traditional chieftaincies often lead to rent-seeking and conflict. It specifically critiques Mining Charter III for mandating a new, ill-defined state agency to manage community shares without addressing the underlying governance failures seen in cases like the Bapo Ba Mogale and Bakwena Ba Mogopa.