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The paper analyzes the role of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) in Africa, focusing on their ability to manage resource revenues and combat the 'resource curse'. Through case studies of Angola, Botswana, Ghana, and Nigeria, it finds that while some funds have strong legal frameworks, their success is heavily dependent on the country's overarching fiscal culture and the presence of independent oversight. The author argues that SWFs cannot operate in isolation and must be integrated into broader public financial management reforms to prevent political misuse and ensure long-term sustainability.

The document examines how digital technologies and social media influenced the 2019 elections in four SADC member states. While these tools have opened spaces for youth engagement and increased transparency, they have also been used for disinformation and surveillance. The author argues that the region's political culture remains unresponsive, co-opting new media into traditional elite-driven systems rather than reforming governance, which could lead to instability similar to the Arab Spring.

The document analyzes the bidirectional relationship between 'Africa Plus One' summits (TICAD and FOCAC) and the G20, focusing on how Japan and China use these platforms to compete for influence in Africa while integrating African development priorities into global governance.

The South African Journal of International Affairs (SAJIA) Style Guide 2020 outlines the technical and editorial requirements for academic submissions. It specifies a B5 trim size and requires the use of UK English, gender-neutral language, and the avoidance of slang, jargon, and contractions. The guide mandates the Chicago (notes) referencing style, utilizing endnotes rather than in-text citations or a final bibliography. Detailed formatting rules are provided for various source types, including books, journal articles, institutional reports, and internet sources, emphasizing the use of short-form citations for repeat references and the exclusion of honorifics in citations.

The document examines the potential for electric vehicles (EVs) to transform the economic trajectories of Southern African states, specifically within the SADC region. It highlights the risks of remaining reactive—such as becoming a 'dumping ground' for obsolete internal combustion engine technology—and proposes a 'Green New Deal' for the region. The authors advocate for the integration of Fourth Industrial Revolution technologies, such as blockchain for ethical mineral sourcing, the development of regional battery value chains, and the deployment of decentralized renewable energy grids to support e-mobility.

The report assesses Tanzania's vulnerability to climate change, specifically sea-level rise and storm surges, and evaluates the role of ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) in mitigating these risks. It finds that while Tanzania possesses critical ecosystems like mangroves and coral reefs, these are threatened by population growth and industrial development. The document highlights a gap in policy architecture, noting that EbA is not explicitly included in the current Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC). It identifies institutional fragmentation and a lack of spatial data as key challenges, while suggesting opportunities in blue carbon, sustainable ecotourism, and community-led co-management models.

The document argues that while SADC countries face significant digital divides and infrastructure gaps, adopting 4IR technologies is essential for economic growth. It identifies key constraints as a lack of ICT infrastructure, policy agility, and digital skills, suggesting that spectrum and infrastructure sharing are vital for improving affordability and coverage.

The report assesses South Africa's approach to marine and coastal ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA), highlighting a strong policy framework but significant challenges in local-level implementation and funding. It emphasizes the interconnection between biodiversity, climate change, and human well-being, arguing that maintaining ecosystem integrity is primary for social resilience.

The document assesses Mozambique's coastal ecosystems—specifically mangroves, coral reefs, and seagrass beds—and their role in ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) against climate threats. It identifies significant vulnerabilities to cyclones, sea-level rise, and temperature increases, while highlighting institutional gaps in technical capacity and inter-sectoral coordination. The report evaluates the role of state actors, NGOs, and local communities, and recommends integrating EbA more deeply into national development strategies and exploring innovative financing like biodiversity offsets.

This research paper examines Russia's strategic re-engagement with Africa, framing the first Russia-Africa summit as a symbolic effort to assert global influence and bypass Western economic sanctions. The author argues that Russia's turn toward the continent is part of a broader multi-vector foreign policy aimed at promoting a multipolar international system to counter US dominance.

This report from the South African Institute of International Affairs examines Africa's agency within the global order, highlighting the challenges of multilateralism, the continent's marginal position in international systems, and the institutional struggles of the African Union.

The document examines the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) and the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF), arguing that while they offer a progressive 'whole of society' approach to refugee integration, their non-binding nature and flawed funding mechanisms hinder their effectiveness in Africa. It highlights a gap between liberal policy and implementation in South Africa and the failure of the CRRF in Tanzania due to financial burdens. The authors advocate for a results-based management system and a stronger link between security, development, and migration to address the root causes of displacement on the continent.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The document maps the 4IR readiness of SADC member states, identifying critical gaps in ICT infrastructure, data affordability, and digital skills. Through case studies of South Africa, Lesotho, and Malawi, it highlights how policy inconsistency, lack of competition, and a deficit in STEM education hinder technological adoption. It advocates for 'agile governance' and integrated science, technology, and innovation (STI) policies to bridge the digital divide and recommends that the SADC Secretariat focus on skills and awareness to create a regional enabling environment.

The document examines the transition of digital technologies from tools of democratic empowerment to instruments of state control in Africa. It distinguishes between 'hard' digital dictatorship, characterized by internet shutdowns and restrictive legislation, and 'soft' digital dictatorship, involving the use of big data and disinformation to manipulate public behavior. While hard tactics are currently more prevalent in Africa, the author warns of a shift toward more sophisticated, data-driven manipulation.

The document examines Russia's return to Africa through the lens of its 'multi-vector' foreign policy, which seeks to establish a multipolar world order and reduce dependence on the West. It details Russia's focus on niche markets—specifically nuclear energy, arms, and extractives—and its use of 'state champions' like Rosatom and Rosneft. The paper highlights Russia's military-security cooperation, including the use of private military companies in the Central African Republic and Libya, and its strategic relationship with South Africa via the BRICS framework. It concludes that while Russia offers an alternative to Western conditionalities, its engagement often prioritizes elite networks and resource extraction over broad development.

The document assesses the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) against two other multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs), the Open Government Partnership (OGP) and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). It identifies weaknesses in the APRM's digital transparency, member accountability, and civil society integration, while suggesting the APRM can offer lessons in strategic partnership building.

The briefing discusses the 2019 UN Climate Action Summit, highlighting the need to accelerate action due to IPCC warnings and youth-led climate strikes. It notes that while mitigation has seen progress with 183 parties submitting NDCs, adaptation remains severely under-implemented, particularly in developing countries. The author advocates for the integration of Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA) into global strategies, noting its dual benefit for resilience and carbon sequestration, especially in Africa.

The document examines the trade-offs for African nations joining the AIIB, noting that while the bank offers a new source of low-cost finance to address an annual infrastructure deficit of $68 to $108 billion, its lack of technical capacity-building and specific instruments for low-income countries outside Asia limits its appeal. It concludes that middle-income African countries are better positioned to benefit from membership than low-income countries.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) expresses alarm over violence and vandalism in Tshwane, Johannesburg, and Ekurhuleni targeting people from other African countries. The organization argues that migrants contribute positively to job creation and innovation, and urges political leaders to cease rhetoric that singles out 'the other' as the cause of domestic socio-economic problems. SAIIA advocates for the prosecution of criminals, the restoration of order, and the implementation of civic education based on common humanity.