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The report presents twelve reasons why large hydroelectric projects are incompatible with the goals of renewable energy initiatives. It contends that these projects fail to alleviate poverty, divert funding from cleaner decentralized technologies, and often suffer from underestimated costs and overestimated benefits. The text highlights severe social and environmental impacts, including the forced displacement of 40 to 80 million people and the emission of greenhouse gases from reservoirs. It further argues that large dams increase vulnerability to climate change, are inflexible and costly to build, and are not truly renewable due to sedimentation.

The Cartagena Declaration, issued in September 2003, argues that a 'predatory economic model' and the 'greed' of the Global North drive systemic environmental and human rights violations. It highlights specific injustices, such as the fumigation of the Amazon and the desecration of sacred sites by the oil industry, while criticizing the role of transnational corporations and multilateral development banks. The declaration calls for a shift toward 'ecological security, food security and energy security' and an end to the criminalization of environmental defenders.

The report critiques the World Bank's renewed focus on high-risk/high-reward projects in extractive industries, forestry, and large dams. It argues that the Bank's history is marked by 'institutional amnesia,' where past failures—such as mass displacement and environmental devastation—are ignored in favor of an 'approval culture' that overstates benefits and understates costs. The authors highlight specific cases like the Sardar Sarovar Dam in India and the Chad-Cameroon pipeline to demonstrate how the poor and the environment bear the risks while private investors reap the rewards. The report recommends a shift toward low-risk, community-driven development and the establishment of reparations for past damages.

The document defines 'ecological debt' as the cumulative responsibility of industrialised countries for environmental destruction caused by their production and consumption patterns. It argues that the Global North has exceeded its 'environmental space' through looting, damaging natural environments, overusing greenhouse gas sinks, dumping toxic waste, and biopiracy. To address this, the text advocates for a 'popular education' approach—rooted in the work of Paulo Freire—to build solidarity between Scottish communities facing environmental injustice and those in the Global South. The handbook includes local Scottish examples of debt repayment (such as the Jubilee Scotland and Slow Food movements) and international case studies illustrating ecological debt in banana production, hydroelectric projects in Uganda, industrial agriculture in India, mining in Canada, and oil extraction in Ecuador. It concludes with a toolbox of interactive games designed to facilitate workshops on resource consumption and global inequality.

The document argues that the WTO's 'free trade' framework is systematically biased toward transnational corporations, which use privileged access to governments in the US, EU, and Japan to shape global rules. Through case studies, it illustrates how this influence leads to the forced adoption of GMOs, restricted access to essential medicines, the privatization of water and energy, and the undermining of international environmental agreements like the Kyoto Protocol and the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety. The authors call for a halt to current negotiations and an independent assessment of the social and environmental impacts of trade liberalization.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the continuation of GATS negotiations, asserting that the agreement grants transnational corporations excessive rights at the expense of national environmental and social policies. The document highlights how GATS limits the right of governments to legislate, particularly regarding essential public services and natural resource management. It specifically warns that expanding GATS into energy, water, and tourism sectors could lead to irreversible ecological damage and the forced privatization of basic human needs. The organization demands the exclusion of public services and extractive industries from GATS disciplines and the implementation of strong environmental exemptions.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the proposed WTO investment agreement, asserting it would prioritize corporate rights over the environment and public interest. The organization cites the failure of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and the negative impacts of NAFTA Chapter 11 as evidence of the risks associated with investor-state dispute mechanisms. It further argues that there is no empirical evidence that foreign direct investment (FDI) leads to sustainable development, noting that many developed nations used the very policy tools they now seek to deny developing countries. The paper recommends that the WTO reject 'procedural modalities' for investment talks, reexamine GATS Mode 3 commitments, and abandon TRIMS rules that hinder local development. Instead, it advocates for corporate accountability rules to be negotiated in social and environmental forums rather than within the WTO.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the proposal to include investment rules in the WTO, particularly ahead of the 2003 Cancun Ministerial Conference. The organization argues that investment agreements, such as the failed Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and NAFTA's Chapter 11, undermine the ability of governments to implement environmental and social policies. It claims there is no empirical evidence that foreign direct investment leads to equitable development and urges the WTO to reject 'procedural modalities' for investment talks and reform existing rules like GATS and TRIMS that already restrict national policy space.

The document argues that the World Bank Group's (WBG) policies of privatization and structural adjustment in the extractive industries (EI) often prioritize foreign investment over the rights of local communities and environmental protection. It highlights systemic failures in applying safeguard policies for indigenous peoples, the marginalization of women, and the persistence of 'legacy' environmental and human rights abuses. The text calls for a transition toward renewable energy, the adoption of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), and the implementation of mandatory transparency mechanisms for revenues to mitigate poverty and corruption.

The document critiques the world trade system and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), asserting that the principles of 'free trade' are fundamentally flawed and lead to increased global inequality, environmental degradation, and economic instability. It highlights how the system prioritises corporate interests over public health, food security, and sustainability, specifically critiquing the TRIPs Agreement and the Agreement on Agriculture. The briefing also details the influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) on trade policy and the failures of various WTO Ministerial Conferences, including Seattle, Doha, and Cancún.

The document argues that WTO negotiations on environmental services, investments, agriculture, and intellectual property could undermine the ability of states to protect indigenous rights. It highlights risks such as the privatization of water, the displacement of communities by industrial agriculture, and the potential for WTO dispute mechanisms to penalize governments that prioritize indigenous land rights over foreign investment.

The report examines the impact of transgenic maize, specifically the Bt 176 variety, in Spain. It argues that the Spanish government has failed to implement adequate monitoring and prevention plans, leading to genetic contamination of organic crops and the development of pest resistance. The document claims that transgenic maize does not provide the promised yield increases and poses risks to non-target species and human health through antibiotic resistance markers. It concludes that Spain is uniquely permissive within the EU and calls for a halt to transgenic cultivation until a comprehensive legal and safety framework is established.

The report examines the deployment of Bt 176 GM corn in Spain, highlighting a lack of independent monitoring and the failure of the Spanish government to enforce mandatory 'Prevention Plans'. It documents cases of genetic contamination in organic crops in Navarra and presents evidence from the ITG-A suggesting that corn borers are developing resistance to the Bt toxin. The document further argues that GM corn does not provide superior yields compared to conventional varieties and poses risks to non-target species and human health via antibiotic-resistance genes.

The report argues that the WTO system is biased toward transnational corporations, which use their access to governments and the WTO Secretariat to promote rules that undermine national environmental and health standards. Through case studies, it details how this influence manifests in the push for GMO acceptance, the restriction of essential medicines via the TRIPS agreement, the promotion of water and energy privatization through GATS, and the use of investment treaties to challenge public interest regulations. The authors call for a moratorium on further trade negotiations and an independent assessment of the social and environmental impacts of 'free trade'.

The document examines the controversy surrounding the shipment of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) as food aid, particularly in Southern Africa, Latin America, and Asia. It argues that the US government and agencies like USAID and the WFP have pressured developing nations to accept GM food aid, often presenting a false choice between GMOs and starvation. The report details case studies where GM ingredients were found in aid shipments despite national bans or lack of labeling, such as in Ecuador, Bolivia, and India. It further contends that GM crops are not a solution to hunger, which is instead caused by poverty, debt, and Western agricultural subsidies. The report advocates for a shift toward sustainable agriculture, local food procurement, and the application of the precautionary principle regarding GMOs.

The fact sheet criticizes the US for leveraging food aid and World Trade Organization (WTO) disputes to pressure countries into accepting genetically modified foods. It highlights instances where African nations were forced to choose between GMO aid or famine during the 2002 food crisis and denounces new US legislation that potentially links AIDS assistance to the acceptance of GMOs. The document advocates for the 'precautionary principle' and the right of sovereign nations to reject GMOs, proposing five principles for food aid that prioritize local purchases, informed consent, and sustainable agricultural development over the commercial interests of the US biotechnology industry.

The document presents case studies of biodiversity restoration by small farmers in Costa Rica, Paraguay, and Uruguay, contrasting these with the destructive impacts of industrial agriculture, genetically modified seeds, and international trade agreements.

The report critiques the impact of trade liberalisation and corporate control on global food security, advocating for a shift toward localised, sustainable food systems and the recognition of food sovereignty as a fundamental right.

The report 'Failing the Challenge' by Friends of the Earth International criticizes Shell for prioritizing short-term profits over human rights and environmental protection. It documents a pattern of pollution, health crises, and human rights abuses across several countries, including Nigeria, South Africa, the US, and the Philippines. The authors argue that Shell engages in 'greenwashing' by using PR to mask its continued expansion of fossil fuel production and its failure to hold itself accountable for local damages. The report calls for changes to UK company law to ensure corporations are legally responsible for their global impacts.

The document outlines a global water crisis driven by overconsumption, pollution, and flawed management models. It strongly opposes the market-based approach to water management promoted by transnational corporations and international financial institutions, arguing that privatization often excludes the poor and ignores ecological health. Instead, it proposes a framework where water is treated as a human right and a public resource, prioritizing basic needs and ecosystem protection over industrial and commercial interests. The briefing calls for democratic, participatory governance, the protection of traditional management systems, and the cancellation of external debts for developing nations to enable investment in public water services.