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Over 20 organizations have initiated legal actions to protect the Mercury and Air Toxics Standards (MATS), which have reduced toxic air pollutants from coal- and oil-fired power plants by 96 percent. These actions include challenging an EPA rule that reversed the finding that regulating hazardous air pollutant emissions from these plants is 'appropriate', and intervening in a lawsuit filed by Westmoreland Mining Holdings LLC to defend the MATS rule against the coal industry.

The Clean Air Task Force, Earthjustice, and Western Resource Advocates recommend that Colorado move away from a "single-basket" approach—which measures all greenhouse gas reductions in CO2 equivalence (CO2e)—toward a "two-basket" framework. This proposed system would require both short-lived pollutants (methane) and long-lived pollutants (CO2 and N2O) to decline on their own steady trajectories, such as both being reduced by 50% below 2005 levels by 2030. The authors argue that a single-basket approach creates problematic trade-offs, where high Global Warming Potential (GWP) values for methane could incentivize polluters to prioritize low-cost methane reductions over the long-term CO2 reductions necessary to stabilize the climate. The document asserts that the AQCC has the legal authority under HB 19-1261 to implement this separate tracking to ensure the state meets its targets of 26% reduction by 2025, 50% by 2030, and 90% by 2050.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) supports the European Commission's vision for clean hydrogen but urges a broader approach that includes carbon capture and storage and nuclear energy alongside renewables to accelerate decarbonization. CATF recommends sustained financial support for production demonstrations, investment in storage and delivery infrastructure, and cost assistance for hydrogen use in heavy industry and transport. Additionally, the document emphasizes the need for international collaboration, particularly with North African countries and the United Kingdom, and the implementation of transparent carbon intensity assessments for supplied hydrogen.

The Clean Air Task Force criticizes a proposed EPA rule that would change how the costs and benefits of Clean Air Act regulations are measured, claiming the move lacks statutory authority and is designed to limit environmental protections. The statement highlights that public health benefits typically outweigh compliance costs, citing an EPA study where benefits of the 1990 Clean Air Act amendments exceeded costs by over 30 to 1. The author characterizes this proposal as part of a broader deregulatory agenda under the Trump administration that ignores science and economic principles.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) welcomes the IRS guidance on 45Q tax credits, stating it provides the certainty needed for CCS developers to proceed with projects. CATF specifically supports the IRS's rejection of the Energy Advance Center's proposal to minimize oversight for geologic storage in enhanced oil recovery (EOR) projects to ensure secure CO2 storage. While supporting the proposed alternative compliance pathway, CATF argues that the same annual public reporting of storage required under existing IRS rules should also apply to this alternative standard to ensure transparency.

The Clean Air Task Force condemns the EPA's decision to reverse the finding that regulating mercury and air toxics from coal-fired power plants is 'appropriate' under the Clean Air Act. The organization argues that the Mercury and Air Toxics Standards (MATS) have been highly effective since 2012, reducing air toxics by 96 percent and avoiding 11,000 premature deaths annually. CATF warns that this reversal could lead utilities to disable existing emission controls, wasting ratepayer funds and increasing public health risks during the COVID-19 pandemic. The statement further claims the EPA's rule is biased, relying on outdated data and ignoring the health benefits of controlling most of the 80+ air toxics emitted by power plants.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) criticizes the EPA's proposal on National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) for particulate matter, stating it ignores scientific evidence that current standards are inadequate. CATF highlights that EPA career staff recommended a lower annual average standard of 8 µg/m³, yet political decision-makers maintained the 2012 standard of 12 µg/m³. The statement also condemns the EPA for rushing the proposal, reducing public comment opportunities, and disbanding an expert panel intended to assist the Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee (CASAC).

The European Union is urged to move beyond a "measure first, act later" approach to methane emissions, instead implementing mandatory Leak Detection and Repair (LDAR) and equipment upgrades domestically while using its purchasing power to pressure gas suppliers like Russia and Norway to reduce emissions.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) opposes a supplemental proposed rule by the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) that would restrict the use of scientific information not available to the public. CATF argues the rule is an 'unlawful abuse of Agency discretion' that jeopardizes the privacy of study participants and undermines the agency's mandate under statutes like the Clean Air Act. The organization specifically criticizes the expansion of the rule to cover all 'influential scientific information', asserting that environmental policy must be based on science rather than policy priorities.

The document advocates for the integration of advanced nuclear energy into a diversified zero-carbon energy portfolio to mitigate the risks and costs associated with relying solely on variable renewables. It highlights nuclear's advantages in power density, dispatchability, and its ability to produce carbon-free hydrogen for hard-to-electrify sectors. While acknowledging challenges such as high costs, waste disposal, and public perception, the author suggests that standardized construction, advanced reactor designs, and supportive federal policies—specifically the Nuclear Energy Leadership Act (NELA)—can make nuclear a scalable and cost-effective tool for climate mitigation.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) supports the House Energy and Commerce Committee's 'CLEAN Future Act' framework, which aims for 100 percent decarbonization by 2050. CATF highlights the importance of including carbon capture and storage and nuclear energy to decarbonize key economic sectors.

The analysis estimates that by 2025, ECCC regulations would reduce Alberta's methane emissions by 36% compared to a baseline, while AER's Draft Directive 060 would achieve a 23% reduction. The report details specific abatement assumptions for leaks, pneumatics, and venting, noting that AER's approach to leak detection and venting limits results in lower overall reductions than the ECCC framework.

The Clean Air Task Force argues that the EPA's 2020 RFS regulations fail to meet the goals of the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 by prioritizing food-based biofuels over advanced and cellulosic alternatives. The organization highlights that the 2020 mandate for advanced biofuels was reduced to 25% (5.04 billion gallons) and cellulosic biofuels to less than 3% (0.54 billion gallons) of a revised 20-billion-gallon total, leading to habitat loss and negative climate impacts.

The document outlines guiding principles for the IRS to establish substantive criteria and implementation processes for verifying the secure geological storage of CO2 used in EOR. It recommends a flexible framework allowing for two primary pathways: EPA's Subpart RR and the ISO 27916 Standard. Because ISO 27916 lacks a built-in implementation mechanism, the authors propose a transparent third-party validation and verification process conducted by qualified professionals, potentially accredited by the American National Standards Institute (ANSI) or National Accreditation Board (ANAB).

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) asserts that the January 1, 2024, deadline to commence construction for 45Q tax credits is inadequate due to the long lead times and high upfront costs associated with CCUS projects. While smaller industrial projects using enhanced oil recovery (EOR) may meet the deadline, large-scale projects in power generation, steel, and cement—especially those using saline storage—face significant engineering and permitting hurdles that could prevent them from being pursued without a deadline extension.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) opposes the EPA's "Secret Science" proposal, stating it could exclude foundational public health research and violates the Clean Air Act's mandate to use the latest scientific knowledge.

The document provides formal comments on the EPA's External Review Draft of the Policy Assessment for the review of PM2.5 NAAQS. It asserts that the EPA is legally obligated to set standards based solely on health and welfare effects, without considering cost or feasibility, and must protect vulnerable subpopulations. The authors criticize the EPA for disbanding the particulate matter review panel, following a flawed memorandum from former Administrator Pruitt that suggests combining science and policy assessments, and failing to issue a second draft of the Integrated Science Assessment (ISA). Finally, the document argues that current PM2.5 standards are insufficient, citing evidence of mortality risks at levels as low as 8 μg/m3, and recommends lowering the primary annual standard to 8-10 μg/m3 and the 24-hour standard to 25-30 μg/m3.

The Clean Air Task Force opposes the GAIN Act (S. 2662), asserting that it would create loopholes in the Clean Air Act's New Source Review (NSR) program. The organization claims the bill would allow coal-fired power plants and other major pollution sources to undergo life-extension projects without installing best available controls, leading to increased emissions and premature deaths.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) estimates that two EPA rollback proposals from 2018 and 2019 would increase 2025 emissions by 4.3 million metric tons of methane, 1 million metric tons of VOCs, and 38,000 metric tons of HAPs. The 2018 proposal focuses on reducing the frequency of leak detection and repair (LDAR) surveys, while the 2019 proposal seeks to remove regulations for the natural gas transmission and storage segment and eliminate methane standards for the entire sector, which would remove the EPA's obligation to regulate existing facilities. CATF's estimates are significantly higher than the EPA's because CATF accounts for emissions from existing sources and abnormal process conditions, both of which the EPA excludes. The near-term climate impact of the additional methane is compared to the carbon dioxide emissions of approximately 100 coal-fired power plants.

The author argues that the Trump-era EPA's 'Strengthening Transparency in Regulatory Science' rule (the 'Censored Science Rule') is an attempt to undermine mainstream science to justify deregulation. The document highlights concerns from the EPA's own Science Advisory Board (SAB) regarding the rule's potential to exclude critical human health data and its overall vagueness, which may lead to legal challenges under the Administrative Procedure Act.