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CIEL identifies systemic failures in the IDB's Independent Investigation Mechanism (IIM), citing the Yacyreta, Cañabrava, and Termoeléctrica del Golfo cases as evidence of lack of transparency, unpredictable timelines, and inadequate remedies. The document argues that the IIM lacks an independent permanent secretariat and sufficient political commitment to accountability. Comparing the IIM to the World Bank's Inspection Panel and the Asian Development Bank's mechanisms, CIEL highlights the IIM's failure to provide public notice or clear schedules for pending claims. CIEL calls for a fundamental reform of the IIM through a transparent and participatory process to restore the IDB's credibility and ensure project-affected peoples' grievances are redressed.

The document analyzes the legal tensions between GATS trade liberalization and the regulation of water services, which are often natural monopolies. It examines how different WTO Members use 'specific commitments' to carve out public utilities and preserve the ability to impose universal service obligations and subsidies. The authors argue that the ambiguity of GATS terms and the political pressure on developing countries may lead to a loss of regulatory autonomy over essential water services.

A coalition of NGOs argues that the WTO's use of exclusive, invitation-only meetings—such as the mini-ministerial in Australia and 'Green Room' meetings—undermines democratic principles and pressures developing countries to accept terms favorable to developed nations. The statement demands a transition to transparent, inclusive consensus-building mechanisms and a neutral WTO Secretariat.

Environmental organizations are urging the U.S. government to restrict the 'General Treatment' provision in the U.S.-Chile Free Trade Agreement to avoid granting foreign investors rights that exceed those of domestic investors under U.S. law. They specifically argue against the use of 'fair and equitable' or 'reasonableness' standards, which they claim would allow arbitral panels to subjectively second-guess democratic government actions. The petitioners recommend limiting the provision to 'full protection and security' and 'denial of procedural justice,' while requiring an environmental exception modeled on GATT Article XX and the exhaustion of domestic remedies before claims are brought.

A coalition of environmental NGOs warns the Congressional Oversight Group on Trade Policy that USTR's investment proposals could grant foreign investors excessive rights, potentially exposing the U.S. to financial liability for regulatory actions. The authors argue the proposals misrepresent U.S. Supreme Court precedents on expropriation and introduce subjective standards like "fair and equitable treatment" that do not exist in U.S. law.

The report examines the symbiotic relationship between sustainable development and environmental justice, asserting that the former cannot be attained without the latter. It identifies three key legal nexuses: the right to a healthy environment, community-based property rights (CBPRs), and procedural rights to participation. The text highlights systemic failures where vulnerable populations, particularly in the Global South and minority communities in the US, bear disproportionate environmental burdens. It recommends shifting from market-based to rights-based approaches, strengthening corporate accountability, and ensuring the meaningful participation of indigenous and local communities in decision-making processes.

The document argues that the patent system often fails to prevent 'bio-piracy' because traditional knowledge is rarely considered prior art during the examination of patent applications. It analyzes the definitions of prior art in the US, Japan, and Europe, and evaluates the Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) as a mechanism for improving searches. The author recommends requiring patent applicants to disclose the source of traditional knowledge and evidence of prior informed consent, while suggesting the creation of standardized, linked databases to make public domain traditional knowledge accessible to patent examiners.

The document argues that the WTO is the wrong forum for a multilateral investment framework because its focus on trade liberalization and non-discrimination would likely restrict domestic policies essential for economic growth, human rights, and environmental protection. The authors contend that the Working Group on the Relationship between Trade and Investment (WGTI) has failed to integrate sustainable development into its processes and that any move toward an investment agreement would contradict the goals of the Doha Development Agenda. They highlight risks such as the 'chilling effect' of investment litigation and the resource imbalances that hinder developing countries in WTO dispute settlements. The statement calls for WTO Members to refrain from discussing negotiation modalities until a transparent analysis proves such an agreement would benefit developing countries and sustainable development.

This document is a petition submitted on August 29, 2002, to an ICSID arbitral tribunal by a group of Bolivian civil society organizations, individuals, and Friends of the Earth-Netherlands. The petitioners seek standing to intervene as parties or amici curiae in an arbitration between Aguas del Tunari, S.A. and the Republic of Bolivia. The dispute concerns a 40-year water concession in Cochabamba that was terminated following widespread public protests over rate increases. The petitioners argue that the tribunal's decision will directly impact water access and public finances in Bolivia and that the process must be transparent to be legitimate.

The document examines the legal tensions between the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), specifically regarding the misappropriation of genetic resources and traditional knowledge. It evaluates the Doha Ministerial Declaration's mandates, such as 'Tiret 15' and 'Tiret 95', as potential vehicles for amending TRIPS to recognize sovereign rights over genetic resources and mandate prior informed consent and benefit sharing. The author suggests a common agenda for biodiversity-rich countries to push for the non-patentability of naturally occurring organisms and the establishment of sui generis systems for traditional knowledge, while coordinating efforts across the WTO, WIPO, and FAO.

The document is a joint statement from several environmental organizations urging the U.S. Congress to oppose H.R. 3009, the fast track conference report. The authors argue that the bill fails to protect environmental stewardship, lacks parity between environmental and commercial enforcement, and contains flawed investor lawsuit rules similar to NAFTA's Chapter 11. Specifically, they claim the report limits the use of trade measures to address failures in environmental law enforcement and provides inadequate protection for Multilateral Environmental Agreements.

The document advocates for the use of national and sectoral assessments to evaluate the economic, developmental, and environmental impacts of services trade liberalisation. It specifically calls for the WTO Council for Trade in Services (CTS) to extend negotiating timelines beyond 2005 and postpone the March 2003 deadline for initial offers to allow members, particularly developing countries, sufficient time and resources to conduct these assessments and adjust negotiations based on the results.

The document argues that the proposed institutional framework for sustainable development must better integrate human rights, reform international economic governance, and establish robust monitoring mechanisms for 'type 2' partnerships. CIEL suggests upgrading the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) to a specialized agency and creating a unified framework for the secretariats of major environmental conventions to improve policy coordination. The statement emphasizes the need for integrated assessments of the impacts of trade liberalization and structural adjustment programs on sustainable development at global, regional, national, and local levels.

CIEL argues that the draft Chairman's paper lacks essential references to human rights and community-based property rights, and fails to adequately regulate biotechnology and intellectual property. The organization proposes specific targets for renewable energy portfolios for export credit agencies and multilateral development banks, and calls for binding international guidelines to mitigate the social and environmental impacts of infrastructure projects funded by export credit agencies.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Chairman's Paper overemphasizes economic growth and national governance while neglecting international responsibility and the environmental and social pillars of sustainable development. CIEL proposes amendments to integrate human rights, public health, and environmental protections into the summit's framework, specifically calling for binding corporate accountability, the protection of community-based property rights, and a more balanced approach to intellectual property and trade liberalization.

The intervention by IUCN and CIEL argues that frameworks for accessing genetic resources and traditional knowledge must move beyond intellectual property rights to incorporate biodiversity conservation costs and the legal and customary rights of indigenous peoples and local communities.

The World Conservation Union (IUCN) and the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) state that current intellectual property rights fail to guarantee biological diversity conservation or the rights of indigenous peoples. They urge the Intergovernmental Committee to develop a sui generis system featuring prior informed consent, moral rights recognition, equitable benefit sharing, and compliance monitoring for the use of genetic resources and traditional knowledge.

The document is an open letter from WWF and CIEL regarding the WTO symposium on the assessment of trade in services. The authors argue that the symposium should be a starting point for 'on the ground' assessments rather than a substitute for them, and should result in a clear roadmap for technical and financial assistance for research and national assessments. They criticize the current agenda for focusing solely on trade and economic aspects, urging the inclusion of social, developmental, and environmental dimensions to avoid providing only 'partial information'. Additionally, they call for a transparent process that includes civil society and a diverse range of international organizations, such as WHO and UNEP.

The document is a formal appeal to the President of the United States to participate in the 2002 Johannesburg Summit. It argues that the U.S. has a special responsibility to lead on sustainable development and environmental protection, citing urgent global crises including climate change, deforestation, and biodiversity loss. The signatories request that the U.S. ratify Rio treaties, reduce carbon dioxide emissions, and support renewable energy technologies.

The document assesses the Doha Ministerial Declaration and related decisions, arguing that developing countries must adopt an integrated, horizontal interpretation of these texts to effectively rebalance the TRIPS Agreement. It highlights immediate gains in public health and pharmaceutical exemptions for least-developed countries, while warning against the precedent of a multilateral register for wines and spirits and the potential for 'TRIPS plus' proposals under the review of 'new developments'.