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Operation Rachel was a bilateral security initiative between the South African Police Service (SAPS) and the Police of the Republic of Mozambique (PRM) designed to destroy surplus weapons from previous conflicts. Between 1995 and 1999, four distinct operations (Rachel I-IV) were conducted, resulting in the destruction of 11,891 firearms and over 3 million rounds of ammunition. The operations were intelligence-driven and utilized an unorthodox approach of rewarding informers and granting undeclared amnesty to avoid politicizing the recovery of caches. While successful in building trust between two historically hostile security apparatuses, the operations faced challenges including high costs, language barriers, and fluctuating political stability in Mozambique. The report concludes that while the operations reduced the immediate supply of illegal arms smuggled into South Africa, long-term success requires addressing the socio-economic drivers of violence and integrating bilateral efforts into broader regional frameworks like SADC and SARPCCO.

The document provides a comparative analysis of child involvement in conflict in Mozambique and South Africa. In Mozambique, it details the devastating effects of a 16-year war of destabilisation and the subsequent use of government, NGO, and traditional community rituals to reintegrate child ex-soldiers. In South Africa, it explores the role of children as 'proxy soldiers' and activists during the struggle against apartheid from 1976 to 1994, highlighting the psychological damage of state repression and the challenges of resocialisation in a post-apartheid society.

The document examines South Africa's evolving foreign policy as it navigates its role as a regional hegemon and an aspiring global middle power. It highlights the tension between South Africa's democratic values and the reality of state collapse across Africa, while discussing the 'African Renaissance' as a framework for leadership without dominance. The paper also analyzes the strategic importance of the African market to South Africa and the development of a formal policy for participation in international peace missions.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic options regarding the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) across three scenarios: a firm peace agreement, a shaky cease-fire, or the absence of a cease-fire. It critiques existing OAU and UN mechanisms as over-ambitious and under-resourced given the DRC's geography. The author introduces 'Renaissance peacekeeping'—a proposal by Thabo Mbeki to co-opt current belligerent statutory forces into a multinational peacekeeping force to ensure rapid deployment and local knowledge. While noting the risks of impartiality and the need for a 'lead nation' (potentially South Africa), the author concludes that South Africa is likely to be drawn into the conflict despite the high risk of mission failure due to fragile cease-fires.

The document examines the motivations and activities of US government agencies and private organisations in promoting stability in Africa. It argues that while the US has a profound humanitarian impulse and a stated interest in regional stability, its policy is primarily reactive and lacks a coherent, long-term strategy. The report details the roles of the Department of State, Department of Defense, and USAID, alongside the influence of the US Congress and various NGOs. Key initiatives of the Clinton era are analysed, including the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) and the African Growth and Opportunity Act, while providing strategic advice to African leaders on how to effectively engage with the fragmented US policy apparatus.

The document examines the 'peace pyramid' model of conflict management in Africa, where subregional organisations act as the base, the OAU as the linkage, and the UN as the apex. It argues that while subregional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC are often better motivated for intervention due to proximity, they lack institutionalised crisis management mechanisms and are built upon fragile states. The author suggests that effective regional security requires a focus on state-building, good governance, and the creation of permanent secretariats to ensure impartiality and reliability.

The study establishes a baseline for Zambia's GHG emissions, dominated by energy and land-use activities, and proposes mitigation strategies. In the energy sector, the most cost-effective options include improved vehicle maintenance, ethanol blending, and the adoption of electric and improved charcoal stoves. In the forestry sector, natural regeneration is identified as the most sustainable and least costly method to increase forest cover. The report projects that implementing these measures could reduce total CO2 emissions by 12.47% by 2010 and 18.27% by 2030 compared to the baseline scenario. However, implementation is hindered by a lack of financial resources for both the government and low-income citizens.

The document examines the gap between the political will of African states to manage their own security and their actual operational capabilities. It analyzes the shortcomings of the OAU, SADC, and ECOWAS, and details the 'capacity-building' programs of the US, UK, France, and Denmark. The authors argue that while these Western initiatives provide tangible training and equipment, they are primarily driven by a desire to avoid direct military involvement in African conflicts rather than a genuine commitment to African self-sufficiency.

The paper examines the fragile peace process in Angola following the 1994 Lusaka Protocol, arguing that UNITA's leadership, particularly Jonas Savimbi, has consistently procrastinated on disarmament while maintaining military capabilities through illicit arms networks. It details the complex international supply chains providing weapons to UNITA and analyzes the strategic positions of both the MPLA-led government and UNITA. The author concludes that while a military offensive by the government is possible, it may not end the conflict due to UNITA's deep-rooted guerrilla infrastructure and the region's fluid political instability.

The document outlines the Towards Collaborative Peace (TCP) project, which examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons fuels a 'culture of violence' and undermines democratization in Southern Africa. The project employs a south-south comparative framework, contrasting trends in Southern Africa with those in South American Mercosur countries (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay). Through field research and a series of publications, the TCP project aims to identify the dynamics of illegal weapons flows and develop regional control mechanisms and local educational packages to mitigate violence.

This monograph examines the transition from traditional military-focused national security to 'new security thinking,' which prioritises human security and incorporates political, economic, social, and environmental dimensions. It argues that security in Africa must be reconceptualised through gender-sensitive lenses and an integrated approach to development, while addressing the practical challenges of institutionalising these concepts within regional bodies like SADC.

The document analyzes the 1997 South African Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Bill, which aims to prevent citizens and companies from providing unauthorized military services abroad. The authors argue that the Bill's vague definitions of 'armed conflict' and 'foreign military assistance' could encompass non-combatant activities such as humanitarian aid, election monitoring, and academic research. They highlight concerns regarding the extensive discretionary power granted to the Minister of Defence and the lack of transparency in the authorization process. The paper proposes specific amendments to narrow the scope of the legislation, streamline the approval process, and protect bona fide NGOs and academic institutions from excessive penalties.

The document examines how dwindling fresh water resources and population growth in Southern Africa increase the risk of resource-based conflict. It advocates for redefining security to include 'soft' non-military threats, such as ecological degradation and poverty, and suggests that regional co-operation through SADC and free trade can mitigate water insecurity. The text provides a detailed synoptic view of major river basins in the region, noting a paradox where the most economically developed areas (the south) have the scarcest water, while the north possesses abundant but under-utilised resources.

The document is a monograph titled 'New Partners in Peace: Towards a Southern African Peacekeeping Capacity', which explores the establishment of regional peacekeeping partnerships, the role of part-time units in UN duties, and the management of small arms proliferation in Southern Africa.

The report summarizes a workshop focused on rural electrification in four East African countries. It examines obstacles to electrification and explores potential solutions, with a specific emphasis on bio-electrification and the potential of solar, wind, and hydro power for rural electricity production.

The Harare Declaration calls for a 'New Debt movement' to reform the global debt architecture, citing the risks of a debt crisis similar to the 1980s and 1990s. It criticizes current IMF debt sustainability frameworks and private credit ratings for ignoring social and environmental tradeoffs. The document advocates for an African Accountability Mechanism, the creation of regional financial institutions like an African Monetary Fund, and considers measures such as debt cancellation or collective default to break the cycle of indebtedness.

The Harare Declaration, adopted during the first African Conference on Debt and Development (AfCoDD) in August 2021, calls for a systemic overhaul of the global debt architecture to address the vulnerabilities of African nations. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty and debt burdens, potentially pushing 39 million Africans into extreme poverty. The document criticizes the current system for prioritizing creditor interests over social and environmental justice, noting a shift toward commercial bonds and a lack of transparency in debt contraction. To counter this, the declaration proposes the creation of an African Monitoring and Control Mechanism, a Monetary Fund, and an African Bank. It further advocates for a feminist approach to macroeconomics, a green recovery aligned with the AU's Agenda 2063, and the possibility of collective debt default to break the cycle of neoliberal dependency.

The African Forum and Network on Debt and Development (AFRODAD) conducted various capacity-building initiatives, policy advocacy, and institutional partnerships in 2024 to address Africa's public debt burden, reform the global financial architecture, and promote sustainable debt management.

The report finds that while Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Malawi have adopted progressive PFM legislation, there is a systemic failure in implementation, leaving them vulnerable to unsustainable debt and illicit financial flows. It highlights that parliamentary oversight is often non-binding and that there are significant gaps in guarding against 'debt vultures'. The SADC PF Model Law is presented as a framework to harmonize these systems, emphasizing the need for binding audit recommendations, inter-agency collaboration to fight illicit financial flows, and stricter debt contracting safeguards.

The document examines resource-backed loans (RBLs) as a tool for financing infrastructure in resource-rich developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. While RBLs can unlock funding and reduce corruption by bypassing government control of funds through special purpose vehicles, they often lead to unsustainable debt, lack of transparency, and unfair terms that favour lenders. The brief recommends integrating RBLs into public procurement systems, increasing transparency, and utilizing expert negotiators to protect national interests.