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The report finds that while IOM3 has transitioned its investment portfolio to a sustainable fund with specific exclusions for arms and certain fossil fuels, it lacks a formal ethical investment policy and maintains transparency gaps regarding its specific holdings. IOM3 continues to accept sponsorship from Tata Steel for educational materials, which SGR argues is incompatible with the Paris Agreement goals.

The LIFE-A2J-EARL project focused on bridging the 'implementation gap' of EU environmental laws by empowering the judiciary, public administrations, and public interest lawyers. Operating across eight EU Member States, the project produced a comprehensive legal guide, national toolkits, and a digital platform to facilitate access to justice. It delivered 48 training sessions and 12 webinars, reaching over 2,000 participants. Despite delays caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and shifting judicial attitudes in some regions, the project successfully increased stakeholder awareness of the Aarhus Convention and EU case-law. Key outputs included a database of 117 public interest lawyers from 15 countries and a final virtual conference attended by 285 participants.

The GEC Steering Group met to discuss 'Building the Coalition', a strategic pathway aimed at transitioning from a UK-led hub to a distributed global network of autonomous hubs. The group emphasized organic growth, the need for sustainable resourcing, and the importance of maintaining collective integrity while decentralizing. The meeting also reviewed five strategic priorities for 2021, noting that green recovery, inequality approaches, and SME policy networks are progressing, while the network function is marked as 'amber' due to delays. The group agreed to rename the network development task force to a 'reflection and learning group'.

The text examines the forced relocation of villages near the Garzweiler lignite mine in Germany's Rhine Valley. It highlights the emotional and social trauma of residents, the inadequacy of financial compensation for non-material losses, and the perceived failure of the German government to accelerate the energy transition (Energiewende) while protecting local communities. The authors describe the emergence of activist movements like 'Alle Dörfer Bleiben' as a response to the lack of democratic influence and the prioritization of mining interests under the Federal Mining Act.

The document describes COP Pavilions as spaces for Parties and observer organisations to host events, showcase research, and network. It details the types of activities held there, how attendees find events, and the application process for COP26.

The document argues that individual and systemic changes are interdependent, noting that individual actions drive social shifts and influence government, while governments must empower individuals for systemic change to occur.

The report finds that the 60 largest global banks provided $3.8 trillion in fossil fuel financing from 2016 to 2020. Despite a 9% drop in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic, financing levels remained higher than in 2016. JPMorgan Chase is identified as the world's worst fossil fuel banker, with $317 billion provided over the five-year period. The analysis highlights a significant gap between banks' 'net zero by 2050' pledges and their continued funding of fossil fuel expansion, particularly in sectors like LNG, offshore oil and gas, and coal. The report also details the human rights and environmental impacts of specific projects, such as the East African Crude Oil Pipeline and the Line 3 pipeline, and argues that current bank policies are insufficient to align with the 1.5C goal of the Paris Agreement.

Environmental NGOs are calling for the European Commission to ensure equal access for all stakeholders, including the creation of a formal observer status, in fisheries negotiations between the EU and the UK. The letter highlights an uneven playing field where industry members have more access than eNGOs, noting that only the Netherlands and Ireland have opened their delegations to eNGOs. The authors demand comprehensive documentation of negotiations and timely stakeholder consultations to align with the Aarhus Convention and sustainability commitments under the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA).

Environmental NGOs are calling for formal observer status and improved documentation to ensure equal access for all stakeholders in fisheries negotiations between the UK, EU, and Norway, arguing that current access is inconsistent and depends on the goodwill of parties.

The research paper examines the Anglophone separatist conflict in Cameroon, tracing its origins to long-standing grievances over marginalisation and 'Francophonisation'. It asserts that the escalation into civil war was triggered by the violent repression of peaceful protests in 2017 and is sustained by President Paul Biya's insistence on a military solution over political accountability. The author highlights the humanitarian toll, including over 3,000 deaths and 750,000 internally displaced persons, and calls for a joint UN and African Union framework to negotiate reforms regarding Anglophone autonomy and resource management.

The briefing outlines how the SCALE Act would drive the deployment of CO₂ infrastructure in the U.S. through cost-sharing for storage hubs, increased EPA permitting funding, and the creation of the CO₂ Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act (CIFIA) for low-interest loans. It argues that shared 'hubs' are essential for decarbonizing emissions-intensive industries like steel and cement and for scaling Direct Air Capture. The author highlights a 'chicken-and-egg challenge' where capture projects cannot proceed without infrastructure, and infrastructure cannot be funded without committed capture projects. While other nations like Canada, Norway, and the UK have implemented significant funding for such networks, the U.S. currently lacks an equivalent policy, risking a loss of competitiveness despite the existence of the Section 45Q tax credit.

The report estimates that the total annual cost of cleaning packaging litter in Spain for 2019 ranged from €496 million to €744 million. This includes street cleaning costs between €477 million and €603 million, and beach cleaning costs between €21 million and €141 million. The analysis uses a hybrid weight-and-volume approach to attribute costs, noting that beverage containers represent a significant portion of the expense, particularly in tourist-heavy areas.

The document highlights a £24bn increase in UK military spending over four years, primarily for equipment and offensive technologies, while noting a reduction in overseas aid from 0.7% to 0.5% of GNI. It further argues that current spending on reducing carbon emissions is far below the £9bn to £12bn annual level recommended by the Committee on Climate Change.

The report finds that Austrian supermarkets have poor sustainability standards for aquaculture, with none meeting half of the evaluated indicators. It highlights the environmental and social costs of 'reduction fisheries' used to produce fishmeal and fish oil, and argues for a decoupling of aquaculture from wild-capture fisheries through alternative feeds.

The report argues that Ecoembes and Ecovidrio, the dominant waste management systems in Spain, use their monopoly power and lobbying to prevent the adoption of a mandatory Deposit Return System (SDDR). It highlights that these organizations benefit financially from increased plastic packaging volume, creating a conflict of interest that hinders EU recycling targets. The document also criticizes major supermarkets like Mercadona for opposing the SDDR and promotes the legislative progress in the Balearic Islands as a model for the rest of the country.

The report argues that Spain's plastic waste management is dominated by monopolies like Ecoembes and Ecovidrio, whose business models profit from increased plastic packaging, leading them to lobby against effective solutions like DRS. It highlights the financial burden of litter clean-up on taxpayers, estimated at up to €744 million annually, and criticises retailers for their lack of transparency and opposition to mandatory reforms. While some regions like the Balearic Islands are implementing ambitious laws, the report warns that the Spanish government remains susceptible to industry lobbying, which threatens the country's ability to meet EU targets for separate collection and recycled content by 2030.

The Court of Justice confirmed that State aid for nuclear power plants is permissible under Article 107(3)(c) TFEU provided it is compatible with the internal market. Crucially, the ruling establishes that EU environmental law—including the precautionary and sustainability principles—applies to the nuclear sector, and any aid to an activity violating these laws is necessarily incompatible with the internal market. ClientEarth argues that the Commission should use this precedent to systematically enforce Green Deal objectives and the 'do no significant harm' principle across all State aid, recommending updated notification forms and stricter compliance checks for climate neutrality targets.

The document argues that the EU's current legal framework, which excludes installations under the Emissions Trading System (ETS) from certain Industrial Emissions Directive (IED) requirements, is insufficient to meet the goals of the Paris Agreement and the European Green Deal. ClientEarth contends that the ETS alone cannot drive full decarbonisation because it lacks a focus on prevention technologies and allows for the displacement of pollution. The brief proposes a synergetic approach where the IED provides mandatory, scientifically-based greenhouse gas (GHG) emission limit values (ELVs) and energy efficiency standards based on Best Available Techniques (BAT). This would align EU policy with the 'prevention principle' and the 'Hierarchy of action on pollution', ensuring that emissions are avoided by design rather than just traded. The author concludes that deleting Art. 9 IED and Art. 26 ETSD would create a 'win-win-win' for operators, the climate, and the environment by stimulating technological innovation and ensuring a level playing field.

The document analyzes the legal framework for shareholder climate proposals in Japan, noting that amendments to articles of incorporation are the only viable legal pathway for such proposals under the Japanese Companies Act. It highlights a landmark proposal at Mizuho Financial Group that received 34% support and argues that such proposals, while requiring a two-thirds majority to pass, can still influence corporate behavior, as seen with Mizuho's pledge to stop financing coal projects by 2050. The briefing compares these Japanese mechanisms to 'special resolutions' used in the UK and encourages boards and investors to support proposals aligned with the Paris Agreement.

The report argues that carbon dioxide removal (CDR) should be treated as a public service, similar to sewage treatment, because most CDR technologies do not generate independent revenue. It identifies a massive implementation gap between projected removal volumes and current policies, noting that while nature-based solutions are cheaper, they lack the permanence of technological options like Direct Air Carbon Capture and Storage (DACCS) and Bio-energy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS). The authors recommend a mix of public subsidies for research, design, development and demonstration (RDD&D), carbon pricing, and the use of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement to create a credible investment environment. It also highlights the role of voluntary private sector commitments, though it warns of a 'wild west' situation in the voluntary carbon market due to inconsistent monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV) standards.