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The document proposes that ECOWAS integrate forward-looking transitional justice into its climate governance to prevent the marginalization of women and rural communities. It argues that climate change in West Africa is a crisis of social justice, where historical inequities determine vulnerability. The author suggests that ECOWAS should reduce its reliance on unstable global mechanisms, such as the COP27 Loss and Damage Fund, by establishing regional structures like a gender-responsive minerals strategy and a Regional Climate Adaptation Fund for Women. The paper emphasizes that a just transition must move beyond procedural formality to address the 'why' of structural harms, including land access and resource governance.

The document argues that ECOWAS's perceived success in promoting democracy during the 2000s and 2010s was illusory, based on a narrow definition of democracy centered on elections rather than human rights and the rule of law. This approach, combined with a tendency to defer to the interests of heads of state, has led to a disconnect between the bloc and West African citizens. The paper highlights the impact of recent coups since 2020 and the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) as evidence of this failure and a decline in Nigeria's regional influence. It concludes by recommending the creation of a Citizens Consultation Forum and a strategic task force on governance to restore credibility.

The document advocates for a transition from a representation-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to a substantive feminist approach within ECOWAS. It highlights a gap between existing regional gender-justice frameworks and their practical application, noting that patriarchal power structures continue to drive conflict. The author recommends that ECOWAS institutionalise partnerships with grassroots movements, incorporate intersectionality into its Conflict Prevention Framework, and adopt feminist responses to climate insecurity and security sector reform to achieve lasting social transformation.

The document evaluates the ECOWAS free movement framework, noting its success in facilitating intra-regional mobility while highlighting significant barriers such as insecurity, protectionist national policies, and the recent withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

The document argues that ECOWAS fails to systematically include persons with disabilities (PWDs) in its core security and development agendas, despite the existence of a Regional Action Plan on Disability Inclusion (2022-2030). It highlights a critical lack of harmonised disability data, the exclusion of PWDs from emergency responses in the Central Sahel, and barriers to free movement caused by biometric systems and discrimination. The author recommends establishing a regional Disability Data Initiative and a Disability-Inclusive Crisis Framework to move from a welfare-based approach to a rights-based model of governance.

The document examines the critical infrastructure gaps in West Africa, highlighting how deficiencies in energy, transport, digital connectivity, and water management hinder economic growth and the goals of ECOWAS's Vision 2050. It details specific initiatives like the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway and the West African Power Pool (WAPP), while identifying barriers such as corruption, regulatory fragmentation, and a regional infrastructure funding gap estimated between USD 20 billion and USD 36 billion per year. The paper advocates for Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), innovative financing like green bonds, and the inclusion of youth and SMEs to drive sustainable development.

The study argues that climate disinformation in the Global South is not a digital accident but a reactivation of 'colonial logics of mediated authority.' By analyzing 200 social media posts and socio-cultural indices across eleven former British colonies in Africa, the author develops a 'Model of Indirect Epistemic Domination.' This model posits that disinformation achieves legitimacy by using trusted intermediaries—such as religious leaders and social media influencers—to frame climate falsehoods as indigenous truths. Statistical analysis reveals that religiosity and media access are the strongest predictors of susceptibility to climate disinformation, while formal education and trust in science do not provide significant protection.

The document examines the challenges facing ECOWAS in its peacekeeping efforts, particularly the lack of formal integration with the AU and UN. It highlights how the ambiguous application of the AU's subsidiarity principle and the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have strained regional security. To address these issues and access UN-assessed funding under Resolution 2719, the paper recommends formalising the division of labour between ECOWAS and the AU and increasing ECOWAS's direct engagement in global peace operations planning.

The paper examines the impact of global powers and internal fragmentation on ECOWAS, noting that while external partnerships can support infrastructure and security, they often exacerbate divisions. It highlights the critical blow dealt by the January 2025 exit of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, and recommends institutional reforms, including the creation of a High Representative for Foreign Affairs and a revamped communications strategy, to strengthen regional solidarity.

The report argues that non-metallic minerals—such as sand, gravel, and potash—differ from metallic minerals due to lower revenue potential, stronger domestic economic linkages, and a lack of benchmark prices for many varieties. It proposes a typology for royalties and transfer pricing based on a mineral's export propensity, price volatility, and the availability of benchmark prices. Key recommendations include using unit-based royalties for low-value construction materials to minimize administration costs, and ad-valorem royalties for high-value exports like graphite and potash to maximize revenue. The document also addresses cross-cutting issues such as environmental taxation, the formalization of artisanal mining through lower tax burdens, and the risks associated with tax incentives and export restrictions.

The policy brief highlights the critical role of local governments in Africa and the Global South as implementers of climate adaptation, mitigation, and biodiversity goals. It identifies systemic barriers—including severe finance gaps, technical capacity constraints, and data deficiencies—that hinder municipal action. The authors recommend that South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency establish a multi-level climate governance declaration, a dedicated local climate action forum, and a specialized finance access facility to empower subnational governments as equal partners in global climate governance.

The policy brief examines the role of Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI)—comprising digital identity, payments, and data-sharing systems—in addressing the shadow economy in Africa, which is estimated by the IMF to represent roughly 35% of GDP (approximately $1–1.2 trillion). It distinguishes between the general informal economy and the 'shadow economy,' focusing on high-value transactions deliberately structured to evade taxes. The document highlights that cash transactions enable this opacity, while digitalisation can increase visibility and audit trails. Drawing on lessons from South Korea's Tax Incentive for Electronically Traceable Payments (TIETP) and India's 'India Stack' and demonetisation, the brief suggests that incentivising consumers to use digital payments is more effective than solely targeting sellers. It notes that while Uganda has used DPI to register over 350,000 informal participants, revenue gains were limited by weak enforcement and data-sharing obstacles. The brief recommends that South Africa, during its 2025 G20 presidency, advocate for an 'Africa Stack' of open APIs and modular technology to spur private sector innovation and improve tax administration across the continent.

The report details the disclosure of environmental and social impact assessments and management plans for the Kwama-Ilute Solar PV subproject in the Sesheke District of Zambia. It confirms that required documents, including the ESIA, ESMP, and Livelihood Restoration Plan, were disclosed on September 4, 2025, in both English and Lozi to ensure accessibility for affected populations. The subproject is classified as GCF Category B, while the overarching REPP 2 programme is Category I-2 and covers ten target countries across Africa.

The report identifies a significant 'take-off' in solar panel imports to Africa, with imports from China rising 60% to 15,032 MW in the 12 months to June 2025. This growth is widespread, with 20 countries setting new import records and 25 countries importing at least 100 MW. The report suggests this surge may be driven by distributed solar, potentially replacing expensive diesel generation and significantly increasing electricity supply in several countries, such as Sierra Leone and Chad.

The document argues that digital public infrastructure (DPI)—comprising digital identity, payments, and data-sharing systems—can increase the visibility of economic activities in Africa's shadow economy, which accounts for roughly 35% of GDP. It contrasts the approach of some African nations, which tax digital financial services (DFS) transactions directly, with the strategies of South Korea and India, which used digital systems to create audit trails and improve broader tax compliance. The brief recommends that African governments adopt a multi-layered DPI ecosystem, prioritize strategic compliance targeting of high-value non-compliant actors, and leverage South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency to foster an 'Africa stack' for scalable deployment.

The BBNJ Agreement, or High Seas Treaty, aims to regulate 64% of the ocean's surface through four pillars: marine genetic resources, area-based management, environmental impact assessments, and capacity building. While the African Group of Negotiators helped shape the treaty, ratification among African states remains low, with only seven of 55 countries having completed the process. Non-ratifying states risk exclusion from the Conference of the Parties (COP) decision-making and benefit-sharing arrangements for marine genetic resources. The document highlights the potential for designating marine protected areas near Africa, such as the Walvis Ridge and Saya de Malha Bank, and suggests that African states coordinate ministries and adopt cost-effective surveillance technologies, like uncrewed vessels, to manage these areas.

The document analyzes the effects of Executive Order 14257, which introduced a 10% universal tariff and higher country-specific tariffs (11% to 50%) on imports to the U.S. While mineral-exporting nations may find relief through exemptions for critical minerals, countries like Lesotho and Madagascar face severe economic risks, particularly in textiles. The authors discuss the precarious future of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and advocate for a coordinated continental strategy via the African Union and the African Continental Free Trade Area to mitigate these trade disruptions.

The research paper examines whether South Africa has eclipsed Nigeria as Africa's dominant power. While Nigeria maintains significant demographic and resource-based weight, the author argues that South Africa has leveraged multilateral institutions, a diverse economy, and a value-driven foreign policy to achieve greater global visibility and influence. The analysis highlights Nigeria's internal security challenges and strategic drift as factors that have diminished its international standing, while noting that South Africa faces its own domestic vulnerabilities, including energy crises and high unemployment.

The World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) highlights a critical financing gap in achieving global digital justice and inclusion. Following the WSIS+20 High Level Event, the document notes that rising debt in developing countries and cuts in international development finance hinder sustainable digital development. WACC proposes four strategies to address this: taxing digital corporations, linking digital governance with development finance frameworks, increasing national public investment, and mobilizing diverse funding sources from philanthropic and private sectors.

The 2025 Utility Roundtable highlighted the need for African power utilities to move beyond dependency on foreign aid by adopting new financing strategies, addressing structural inefficiencies like commercial losses, and strategically integrating renewable energy into fragile grids through regional collaboration and private sector engagement.