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The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The policy brief examines the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a pan-African framework designed to improve food security and environmental resilience. While international support has surged—including a $1 billion implementation fund and G8 commitments—the document highlights a critical gap in African leadership and policy capacity. It argues that without strengthening the expertise of those managing the policy process, Africa cannot fully optimise this support to achieve its target of 6% annual agricultural growth. The brief also notes that CAADP's inclusive structure provides a more legitimate and durable governance model for agricultural research and development (ARD) than previous programmes.

The policy brief examines the broad economic relationship between China and Nigeria, highlighting significant investments in oil, infrastructure, and agriculture, while identifying the banking sector as an under-developed area for future cooperation. It details existing financial links, such as the involvement of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and First Bank, and suggests that current reforms in the Nigerian banking sector create opportunities for Chinese acquisitions and investments. The author notes that while past projects were often marred by corruption, the banking sector offers a new avenue for mutual economic benefit and regional expansion.

The document asserts that tree plantations are uniform agricultural systems that cause biodiversity loss, community displacement, and hydrological alteration. It criticizes the use of these plantations as carbon sinks under the Kyoto Protocol, arguing that such schemes provide a 'fictional solution' to climate change while benefiting transnational corporations. The paper further denounces international organizations like the FAO for legitimizing plantations by classifying them as forests.

The document analyzes the regulatory reforms in the Nigerian banking sector and the broader scope of Chinese economic diplomacy in Nigeria, suggesting that the banking sector represents an understudied but promising area for further Sino-Nigerian cooperation.

The World Bank is criticized as a major climate polluter that uses its role in climate finance to maintain developed country control over developing nations. Despite its rhetoric, the Bank continues to fund carbon-intensive projects, such as a $3.75 billion coal plant loan to South Africa, and promotes flawed carbon offsetting and forest conservation schemes. The report contrasts the World Bank's donor-controlled Climate Investment Funds (CIFs) with the more equitable, grant-based UNFCCC Adaptation Fund, calling for a transition to a Global Climate Fund accountable to the Conference of Parties.

The report examines the surge in land acquisitions across Africa for agrofuel production, driven largely by EU mandatory targets for renewable transport fuels. It finds that approximately 5 million hectares of land have been acquired for fuel crops, often without community consent. The document argues that these 'land grabs' threaten food security by competing with food crops for fertile land and water, while providing minimal local employment. Environmental impacts include deforestation in the Congo Basin and habitat loss in Ethiopia's Babile Elephant Sanctuary. The report concludes that agrofuels are often exported for international profit rather than providing local energy security, leaving African nations with depleted natural resources.

The report argues that the expansion of agrofuels in Africa, driven largely by European Union mandates, leads to 'neo-colonialism' where land is acquired by foreign companies and governments. This process results in the displacement of local farmers, increased food insecurity, and significant ecological damage, including deforestation and water scarcity. The document highlights the 'myth of marginal lands,' asserting that land claimed as unused is often vital for communal survival. It recommends halting land acquisitions, prioritizing food sovereignty, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The document examines how global warming threatens fundamental human rights—including the rights to food, water, health, and housing—and explores the legal frameworks available for redress. It reviews international environmental law, the outcomes of the 2009 Copenhagen Conference, and existing jurisprudence from human rights tribunals. The authors argue that climate-related harms are not 'new territory' for litigation but fit within established legal principles. The paper specifically evaluates the CESCR's current work and proposes eleven recommendations to better anchor climate change in the Committee's state reporting, general comments, and the use of its Optional Protocol for individual and inter-state complaints.

The report examines the environmental, social, and economic impacts of unconventional oil extraction, focusing on tar sands and oil shale. It highlights that these resources produce significantly higher greenhouse gas emissions than conventional oil and cause severe local ecological damage, such as boreal forest destruction in Canada. The document criticizes the EU's Fuel Quality Directive for potentially underestimating the carbon intensity of these fuels and urges the EU to discourage their import and investment. It also details the involvement of European companies in projects across Venezuela, Madagascar, Congo, Russia, Jordan, and Morocco, warning that such developments in countries with weak governance risk exacerbating the 'resource curse' and undermining Millennium Development Goals.

The report examines the critical role of transparency in reforming fossil-fuel subsidies, particularly in the context of 2009 commitments by the G-20 and APEC. It identifies a significant gap in available data, noting that current estimates often rely on a 'price-gap' approach that overlooks producer subsidies. The author proposes a two-track approach to improve transparency: enhancing domestic accounting and reporting standards within countries, and establishing a new international data-gathering regime. This international regime would ideally involve a standard reporting template, standardized methodologies, and the potential leadership of intergovernmental organizations like the IMF or World Bank to ensure global buy-in and consistency.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs reviews the 2009-2010 period, highlighting South Africa's influence in the G20 and the BASIC group during the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It discusses the need for reform in Bretton Woods institutions and the challenges of democratic stability in Africa, specifically in Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sudan. The statement also outlines President Zuma's prioritisation of bilateral relations with Angola, Brazil, and the UK, and the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The author contends that South Africa is experiencing a retrenchment of its global diplomatic ambition under President Zuma, characterized by a lack of policy clarity and a 'managerial lacuna' within the government. While acknowledging the institutional legacy of the African Union left by former President Mbeki, the text warns that continental crises—including climate change, energy insecurity, and water stress—require decisive leadership that is currently absent. The author calls for greater policy coherence between the Department of International Relations and Co-Operation (DIRCO) and other state organs and the private sector, suggesting that DIRCO must modernize its diplomatic skills to include environmental and economic literacy to drive domestic growth.

The document examines the growth of a Chinese retail community in Dakar, Senegal, since the late 1990s. It details how Chinese migrants, many former employees of Henan Construction, occupied the residential area of Le Centenaire by renting front yards from financially struggling Senegalese civil servants. This created a commercial hub that provided affordable goods to the local population but sparked conflict with established Senegalese retailers, leading to a major strike in 2004. The paper highlights the disconnect between these independent retailers and the Chinese embassy, the emergence of a parallel informal market of Senegalese 'table retailers', and the eventual creation of an independent Chinese chamber of commerce to manage community interests.

The document analyzes the shift in African investment patterns as BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) increase their presence on the continent. While this trend boosts overall African economic growth and infrastructure, it creates new challenges for South African companies, including increased competition in resources and construction, and the risk of being undercut by state-subsidized Chinese firms. However, the author identifies opportunities for South Africa to leverage its local expertise through strategic partnerships with these new investors.

This fact sheet by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) traces the evolution of the sustainable development movement. It highlights a progression from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's 1962 book, through the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, to contemporary challenges including the 2008 global financial and food crises and the 2009 Copenhagen climate negotiations.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.