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The proposal seeks USD 278,493 to assess how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Tuvalu's capacity to implement climate policies and to create a 'National strategy for resilient recovery'. This strategy will identify risks and opportunities across sectors such as food security, fisheries, energy, and health, and will lead to the development of three priority project concept notes for submission to the Green Climate Fund. The project will be implemented by the Ministry of Finance and executed by the Climate Change Department, utilizing an expert group from various government ministries and consultants to ensure the recovery is aligned with Tuvalu's national climate goals and the Te Kete Sustainable Development Strategy 2021-2030.

The Changing Markets Foundation and partner organisations argue that major meat and dairy companies, specifically Fonterra, are failing to address methane emissions. They recommend the adoption of science-based targets, separate reporting for methane and CO2, and increased investment in alternative proteins to align with the 1.5°C global heating limit.

The Center for International Environmental Law argues that COP26 failed to address the root causes of the climate crisis, specifically fossil fuels, and instead relied on 'false solutions' like carbon offsets. The statement highlights the exclusion of civil society and Indigenous Peoples from negotiations, the inadequacy of climate finance for adaptation and loss and damage, and the persistence of 'greenwashing' by corporate interests. While noting some progress in marginal alliances like the Beyond Oil & Gas Alliance, the author concludes that the official negotiated outcomes lack the ambition and equity required to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The case study emphasizes that because mining is a significant water user and potential contaminant source, governance must occur at the watershed scale rather than the individual user level. It highlights that climate change increases risks to water quality and availability through rainfall variability and extreme weather. The text notes that while legal frameworks are essential, challenges remain regarding the ownership of water as a common resource, mentioning an emerging trend of granting legal rights to nature in countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, India, and New Zealand. Specifically, Mongolia and the Antofagasta region of Chile are identified as jurisdictions that have implemented watershed-level management frameworks to balance mining's economic importance with water demands in arid environments.

The livestock sector's growth poses a significant risk to climate goals, potentially consuming 80% of the remaining GHG budget by 2050 if current trends continue. While global meat production is rising—projected to reach 374 million tonnes by 2030—there is a growing market for Alternative Protein (AP) products, valued at USD 14 bn and expected to exceed USD 162 bn within a decade. However, the transition is hindered by substantial government subsidies, with nearly 90% of global farming subsidies (USD 540 bn annually) supporting beef, milk, and rice. The document emphasizes that while total veganism offers the highest emission reductions, flexitarian and vegetarian diets can also significantly lower emissions. It calls for government policy reforms to redirect subsidies away from industrial agriculture and for businesses to move beyond 'meaningless' net zero targets toward actual reductions in animal numbers in supply chains.

The report examines 'whole-of-government' approaches to climate change, emphasizing the need for central leadership, clear mandates, and transparency to overcome ministerial silos. Through case studies of the UK, US, and British Columbia, it highlights that while such approaches can foster collaboration, they are often fragile and dependent on the political will of the head of government. The author recommends that Canada establish a dedicated Cabinet committee and a central coordination secretariat to integrate climate considerations across all public policies.

The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to climate change in Canada, defined as the use of governance structures (like cabinet committees) and processes (like mandate letters) to coordinate action across departmental silos. Through case studies of the UK, US, and British Columbia, it identifies that success depends on sustained executive leadership, adequate resources, and empowered personnel. It warns that such structures are fragile and can be easily dismantled by changes in government. For Canada, the brief recommends establishing a Prime Minister-chaired Cabinet Committee on Climate Change and Net Zero, supported by a high-level coordinating Secretariat in the Privy Council or Prime Minister's Office.

The document traces the path from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2017 entry into force of the Minamata Convention on Mercury. It highlights the role of activism and scientific evidence in driving global action and details the treaty's mechanisms for phasing out mercury-added products and regulating artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM). The brief also explains that the discrete nature of mercury's industrial sources and a stronger scientific consensus on its global threat allowed it to move toward a binding treaty, whereas lead and cadmium remain managed through voluntary partnerships and regional agreements.

The report analyzes the evolution of gender-related provisions in trade agreements, categorizing them into five types: reaffirmation of commitments, avoidance of adverse effects, preservation of the state's right to regulate, promotion of women's economic empowerment, and cooperation mechanisms. It highlights a shift toward dedicated 'trade and gender' chapters in recent agreements, such as those involving Canada and Chile, though it notes these often lack enforceable targets or budgets. The author argues that current provisions are frequently 'gender-blind' or overly focused on women as formal workers, neglecting their roles as consumers, carers, and rights holders. To improve policy, the report advocates for ex ante gender impact assessments—citing Canada's GBA+ and the UNCTAD Trade and Gender Toolbox—and ex post monitoring to generate sex-disaggregated data. It concludes that for trade to be inclusive, gender mainstreaming must move beyond symbolic cooperation toward a holistic approach grounded in human rights frameworks like CEDAW.

The TCFD Good Practice Handbook identifies effective disclosure examples across the four TCFD core elements—Governance, Strategy, Risk Management, and Metrics and Targets—while offering practical advice and case studies to help organisations overcome implementation barriers.

The document is an amicus curiae application and submission in the case of Odyssey Marine Exploration, Inc. v. United Mexican States. The applicants argue that the Don Diego Project, which involves dredging 91 thousand hectares of the Gulf of Ulloa seabed to extract phosphate rock, would cause irreversible ecological damage and violate human rights. They contend that the Mexican State's decision to deny the environmental permit is supported by the precautionary principle and obligations under UNCLOS, the Rio Declaration, and various human rights treaties, including the ICESCR and the American Convention on Human Rights.

The amicus curiae brief argues that the Mexican state was obligated to deny the environmental permit for the Don Diego project due to severe risks to the marine ecosystem of the Golfo de Ulloa and the human rights of local fishing communities. The authors contend that the project, which involves dredging 91,000 hectares of the seabed to extract 7 million tons of phosphate rock annually, would cause irreversible biodiversity loss and contaminate the area with radioactive elements like uranium and thorium. They assert that the precautionary principle and international treaties—including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the American Convention on Human Rights—mandate the protection of the environment and the right to work and health for the 128 families of the Puerto Chale Cooperative and other regional residents.

Superhot rock (SHR) geothermal energy, defined as heat energy mined at temperatures of 400°C or hotter, is presented as a high-energy-density resource capable of providing competitive, dispatchable, zero-carbon power worldwide. While current geothermal capacity is limited to 15 GW in volcanic or thin-crust regions, SHR could potentially be accessed anywhere through super-deep drilling. The report estimates that mature SHR electricity could be competitive at $20-35 per MWh, producing five to ten times the energy per well compared to conventional systems. Realizing this potential requires overcoming engineering challenges in drilling (reaching 7-15 km), reservoir creation, and well metallurgy. The proposed path forward involves moving three to five pilot demonstrations forward in the next five years, transitioning from shallow hot dry rock to deep continental resources, and leveraging the expertise of the unconventional oil and gas industry to accelerate commercialization within 10 to 15 years.

The report argues that methane emissions from livestock are a critical 'blind spot' in climate policies. It finds that neither the 18 largest producing countries nor the 20 largest industry companies have set sufficient targets to reduce methane, often ignoring the necessity of reducing livestock numbers and meat consumption to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The report identifies a critical 'blind spot' in climate policy regarding livestock methane, finding that neither the largest producing nations nor the biggest meat and dairy companies have set targets aligned with the 45% reduction required by 2030 to limit global warming to 1.5°C. While some countries report emissions, most lack concrete action plans to transform food production and consumption. Similarly, an analysis of 20 global meat and dairy giants revealed poor performance, with none reporting methane emissions separately or establishing specific methane reduction targets.

The report identifies the livestock sector as a critical 'blind spot' in climate policy, noting that neither the largest meat and dairy producing nations nor the top 20 global corporations in these industries have set targets consistent with a 45% methane reduction by 2030. While some governments report emissions, few have concrete action plans to transform food production and consumption. Among the 20 largest companies, none report methane emissions separately, and only three include Scope 3 emissions in their targets. The document argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that a systemic transition toward healthier diets with fewer animal products is essential to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The report highlights a critical failure by major livestock-producing nations and corporations to address methane emissions, despite the gas's high potency and short atmospheric lifespan. It finds that most assessed countries lack absolute methane reduction targets and that the largest meat and dairy companies fail to report methane emissions separately or implement concrete abatement plans. The document advocates for a systemic transition toward plant-rich diets and the implementation of both technical and behavioral mitigation measures to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The document provides a comprehensive guide to adaptation communications (ADCOMs), which are voluntary reports used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities and needs. It outlines the four primary goals of ADCOMs: increasing the visibility of adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing data for the global stocktake, and enhancing global learning. The text details flexible submission methods—standalone, in conjunction with, or as a component of other documents like NDCs or NAPs—and lists optional content elements ranging from national circumstances to gender-responsive actions. Finally, it explains how countries can leverage existing NAP processes to develop their ADCOMs, even if a final NAP document is not yet complete.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, efforts, and needs. It outlines four primary goals: enhancing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing inputs for the global stocktake, and enhancing learning. Countries have flexibility in submission, choosing to provide ADCOMs as standalone documents, in conjunction with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs. The guide emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven and should not create additional burdens for developing nations, suggesting that countries can synthesize existing information from their NAP processes to meet submission goals, particularly for the 2023 global stocktake.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four primary purposes: increasing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, mobilizing support for developing countries, providing data for the Global Stocktake, and enhancing learning. The text details flexible submission methods—as standalone documents, linked to other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs—and emphasizes that ADCOMs should not create additional burdens for developing nations. It also provides a detailed list of optional content elements and explains how countries can leverage their ongoing NAP processes to inform their ADCOMs.