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Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.

The IAI Executive Committee has established an ad hoc committee to draft terms of reference for a new Advisory Committee on Science-Policy Liaison, aimed at integrating global change science into decision-making. The EC is also exploring strategies to increase member country involvement and funding, including reviewing the IAI Strategic Plan. Additionally, the IAI participated in the ENSOCIO-LA consortium to foster EU-Latin American cooperation on climate change and resource efficiency, and co-organized a World Climate Research Program (WCRP) conference in Montevideo to define a regional research agenda for climate services.

The 2014 European Green Party primaries served as an unprecedented experiment in pan-European internal party democracy, allowing members across the continent to select the lead candidate for the European Parliament campaign. While the process faced challenges regarding communication and turnout, it demonstrated the potential for transnational political mobilization. The author argues that this experience should lead to the creation of transnational electoral lists—specifically proposing a 25-member general European list—to shift the political narrative from national interests to a shared European project and to counter populist discourse.

The Green Primary served as a first-of-its-kind transnational experiment to select leading candidates for the European Green Party in the May 2014 elections. While it faced challenges such as varying national contexts and low turnout in some regions, it demonstrated the potential for European-level party structures. The author argues that the next step for European democratic institution building is the creation of transnational lists, as proposed in the Duff Report, to shift the political narrative from national interests to a collective European vision.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The 2014 European elections saw a significant rise in far-right and eurosceptic forces, particularly in France where the Front National achieved 25% of the vote. While the German Greens maintained a double-digit result, they lost three mandates. Across Europe, the Green faction became more regionally diverse with new representatives from countries like Spain, Hungary, and Croatia, though it lost influence due to the collapse of a progressive majority in the Parliament. The author argues that the Greens must counter the narrative of the EU as a neoliberal tool and push for an end to unilateral austerity policies to restore trust in European integration.

The 2014 International Solar Decathlon at Versailles showcased sustainable housing designs from over 20 universities globally. The event emphasized the synergy between innovative products, such as polyisocyanurate insulation, and student ingenuity in addressing energy efficiency and urban retrofitting. Notable projects included Appalachian State University's modular town home, the Berlin Rooftop Project's use of abandoned roof space, and Delft University's 'second skin' for poorly insulated Dutch townhomes.

EU coal emissions rose 6% from 2010 to 2013, contributing to 18% of total EU CO2 emissions. This increase was driven by fuel-switching from gas to coal in Germany, the UK, and Poland, which together account for 66% of coal-based emissions. While renewables and falling demand reduced overall fossil generation by 4.3% per year, the low carbon price under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) failed to prevent coal's resurgence. The report warns that the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED) may not force expected closures because of cheaper compliance technologies and the introduction of capacity markets, particularly in the UK and Poland, which risk locking in high-carbon infrastructure into the 2030s. Modelling suggests that if coal remains cheaper than gas, emissions will fall only 3% by 2016, though the potential for fuel-switching will increase by 2020. Sandbag recommends urgent ETS reform, mandatory carbon intensity reporting, and targeted CCS funding.

The 2014 European elections were characterized by a shift toward pan-European campaigning and a rise in anti-integrationist and nationalistic movements. While Green parties saw improved results across many member states, overall voter turnout remained low at 43 percent. The results suggest a more complex process for achieving political majorities in the Parliament and highlight a growing public debate over the future and role of the European Union.

The 2014 European elections were characterized by a shift toward European-wide campaigning and the increased importance of the European Parliament, though voter turnout remained low at 43%. The results showed a rise in nationalist and right-wing populist forces, particularly in northern countries, while left-wing parties gained in Southern Europe due to austerity policies. Green parties performed better than predicted, expanding their presence to at least 15 member states, including first-time successes in Hungary and Croatia. The author notes a lack of influence of foreign policy—specifically the Ukraine crisis—on the election and warns of the potential for the United Kingdom to leave the EU.

The author contends that the EU's failure to end austerity and its lack of transparency have alienated citizens, particularly young people, contributing to the success of right-wing populist parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections. To counter this, the text advocates for institutional reforms such as transnational lists, increased legislative powers for the European Parliament, and a New Convention ratified by referendum. Additionally, it emphasizes the need for EU-focused education in school curricula and better coverage of EU matters in national media to bridge the gap between the EU and its citizens.

The document argues that agricultural cooperatives promote inclusive investment by allowing farmers to maintain control over resources while achieving economies of scale. It highlights that well-organized cooperatives reduce risk for foreign investors and facilitate more efficient contracting. The brief emphasizes that government support should be limited to creating an enabling legal environment and providing technical resources, rather than interfering in internal management, as bottom-up initiatives are generally more successful.

The document promotes agricultural cooperatives as a socially and politically acceptable alternative to 'land grabbing,' allowing farmers to retain control of their resources while accessing markets and finance. It distinguishes between production and service cooperatives and highlights the benefits of collective bargaining and resource sharing. The text emphasizes that while foreign investment can reduce risk and provide capital, government support should be limited to creating a favorable legal environment and providing technical training, rather than direct interference in management.

The document critiques the predominantly national level of First World War memorialization, arguing that such approaches often reproduce the nationalistic discourse that led to the conflict. The author proposes a new culture of remembrance under the auspices of the European Parliament that emphasizes the shared experience of futility and horror over national honor. By disclosing diverse narratives and historic grievances, the author suggests that Europe can create the mutual trust necessary to overcome current political and economic stalemates and strengthen the European Union's democratic legitimacy.

CIEL argues that TTIP would allow the chemical industry to weaken safety regulations and limit access to critical health and safety data. The statement highlights the divergence between the U.S. risk-based approach and the EU's hazard-based REACH system, asserting that regulatory harmonization would likely result in lower standards. CIEL also warns that Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms would enable corporations to bypass domestic courts and challenge public interest laws, creating a 'regulatory chilling effect'.

The report assesses the 2009-2014 European Parliament term from a Green perspective, highlighting victories in energy efficiency, data protection, and fisheries, while critiquing the influence of fossil fuel and agro-industrial lobbies. It argues for a more democratic, social, and ecologically sustainable European Union to counter neoliberal austerity and conservative pushback.

The document argues that subnational governments are essential for implementing sustainable development policies because they are closest to citizens' needs and can foster grassroots innovation. It emphasizes the need for 'vertical coordination'—the linking of local, subnational, national, and supranational levels—to ensure policy coherence. Using empirical research, the author identifies good practice examples in Europe (such as Tyrol, Austria) and other regions (such as Bhutan), while noting that many regions lack systematic links to national strategies due to political independence or administrative bottlenecks. The briefing recommends a 'metagovernance' approach that mixes hierarchical, market, and network styles to better integrate sustainable development across all levels of government.

In the 2014 French municipal elections, Eric Piolle of the Europe Ecologie les Verts (EELV) party won the mayoralty of Grenoble with 40% of the vote in the second round. This victory is highlighted as a significant achievement for French ecologists, as it occurred without the support of the Socialist Party. The document attributes the success to a long history of ecological activism in Grenoble, a comprehensive program featuring 120 precise measures, and a coalition that included the Parti de Gauche. Piolle's victory allows him to govern without Socialist Party councillors due to the French electoral system's majority bonus.

The document highlights that Kenya's economy is highly exposed to climate change, with droughts and flooding estimated to cost approximately 2.4% of GDP annually. It argues that the private sector can mitigate risks and gain competitive advantages through resource efficiency, renewable energy, and product innovation. The Kenya Private Sector Alliance (KEPSA) is identified as a key entity supporting firms in managing these risks and accessing opportunities, such as those outlined in the National Climate Change Action Plan 2013-2017 (NCCAP).