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The report examines Mexico's progress toward the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework's '30x30' goal, focusing on the potential of OECMs to complement existing Protected Natural Areas (ANP). It identifies that while Mexico has a strong legal framework for social land ownership (ejidos and communities), inclusive conservation is hindered by state failure to enforce Indigenous rights, contradictory public policies, and budget cuts. The document details various conservation modalities, such as Wildlife Management Units (UMA) and Community Forest Management (MFC), and uses three case studies to highlight local motivations for conservation, primarily linked to water security and sustainable livelihoods. It concludes that for OECMs to be effective and inclusive, Mexico must establish transparent recognition processes, align agricultural subsidies with conservation incentives, and ensure the free, prior, and informed consent of local rights-holders.

Regenera Ventures is a 10-year equity fund targeting the Mexican agricultural sector to build climate resilience through regenerative management. The fund utilizes redeemable equity and technical assistance to bridge financing gaps for SMEs and startups across the regenerative value chain, including direct production, added-value processes, market game-changers, and regenerative infrastructure. It aims to mobilize USD 20-26 million in private capital and plans to scale to other Latin American countries, such as Colombia, within 4 to 5 years.

The document outlines a 36-month readiness program implemented by the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI) to address financial barriers in Mexico's rural and northern border regions. Key objectives include the GCF accreditation of the North American Development Bank (NADB) and Trust Funds Related to Agriculture (FIRA), the creation of a green finance transparency system, and the development of a National Carbon Policy. It specifically targets water and sanitation infrastructure in northern states and sustainable landscape management via REDD+ results-based payments. Additionally, the proposal aims to empower subnational governments to issue thematic bonds and integrate environmental and social criteria into public-private partnerships (PPPs).

The project aims to increase soil organic carbon (SOC) and reduce non-CO2 emissions (N2O and CH4) to benefit 63,697 small-scale farmers in Mexico. It employs a stratified approach across three clusters: adaptation-focused (red), combined adaptation and mitigation (orange), and mitigation-focused (green). The initiative includes strengthening institutional governance, deploying the 'Soil Doctors' capacity-building program, and establishing a national climate finance system featuring carbon credits and an 'SSM Seal' for certified sustainable products.

The document examines the role of climate finance in Mexico, highlighting the risks posed by the elimination of the Fondo para el Cambio Climático (FCC) and the heavy concentration of public funds in the energy sector via the Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE). It provides specific recommendations for the public sector to strengthen governance and technical capacity, and for the private sector to adopt green taxonomies and innovative financing mechanisms like impact investing and carbon bonds to meet Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDG).

The Changing Markets Foundation found that Unilever fails to fortify its basic Maizena Natural cornflour in Mexico despite claims that its cornflour products in Latin America are fortified. Furthermore, laboratory tests of 84 samples revealed that flavoured Maizena atole mixes often contain lower levels of iron and zinc than stated on their labels, suggesting a gap between the company's global nutrition commitments and its product reality.

The Changing Markets Foundation analyzed 84 samples of Unilever's Maizena products in Mexico, finding that the company's claims of regional fortification are not reflected in its products. While Unilever asserts that its cornstarch products in Latin America are fortified, the 'Maizena Natural' product in Mexico contains no micronutrients. Furthermore, laboratory tests of 'Maizena Sabores' (flavored mixes) revealed that levels of iron and zinc were consistently lower than those declared on the packaging, suggesting a gap between the company's global nutrition pledges and its commercial practices.

The report finds a widespread failure in the Mexican flour industry to adhere to mandatory fortification laws, with only 7% of tested pre-packaged flours meeting both nutrient level and iron-compound requirements. Maize flour, which holds 72% of the cereal market share, is particularly critical as no tested brands were adequately fortified. The study highlights that even government-distributed flours for vulnerable populations, such as those from Diconsa and DIF Chiapas, fail to meet legal standards. The authors argue that the industry's negligence exacerbates 'hidden hunger' and anemia, and they call for the Mexican government to implement stricter monitoring and sanctions.

The report finds that only 7% of tested flour products in Mexico are adequately fortified, with maize flours performing particularly poorly. It highlights a systemic failure by the food industry to comply with regulation NOM-247-SSA1-2008, including failures in government-funded social welfare programmes like Diconsa and DIF Chiapas.

The report finds that many major maize flour brands in Mexico use non-recommended iron sources, such as electrolytic iron, which have low bioavailability in nixtamalized flour. While most refined wheat flours follow recommendations, wholegrain varieties often do not meet WHO standards. The authors call for updated legislation and stricter government monitoring of production and imports to combat widespread iron deficiency.

The report finds that many major flour brands in Mexico, particularly for nixtamalized corn flour, use iron compounds with low bioavailability, such as electrolytic iron, despite recommendations from the WHO and Mexican law. This failure in fortification is highlighted against a backdrop of rising anemia rates in Mexico, where corn represents 72% of cereal consumption. The study calls for updated legislation, stricter government monitoring, and better industry labeling to ensure effective micronutrient delivery to the population.

The document outlines the process of declaring 'free territories' as a political practice of autonomy and self-determination. It provides a framework for preventive and reactive strategies, emphasizing the need for information dissemination, network organization, and propositional agendas to protect territories from extractivist models and corporate appropriation. The guide details specific regional examples, including mining-free zones in Mesoamerica, gasfield-free communities in Australia, and GMO-free regions in Europe and Costa Rica.

This report by Friends of the Earth International documents systemic human rights and environmental violations by transnational corporations (TNCs) across eight Latin American and Caribbean countries. It highlights cases of corporate impunity, the use of investor-state dispute settlement mechanisms to challenge public health and environmental policies, and the violent suppression of territory defenders. The document advocates for a legally binding international treaty to hold TNCs accountable and the creation of an International Tribunal on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations.

The document critiques the 2010 MOU between California, Acre, and Chiapas, which aimed to link California's cap-and-trade system with jurisdictional REDD+ programs in Brazil and Mexico. It argues that these market-based mechanisms lead to human rights violations, territorial conflicts, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples. In Acre, the report highlights methodological flaws in emission baselines and the failure of social projects. In Chiapas, it notes the rise of land-grabbing for African palm monocultures and significant public debt to the World Bank and IDB. The report concludes that REDD+ serves as a tool for capital accumulation rather than a genuine solution to climate change, recommending a shift toward recognizing land tenure and autonomous territorial management.

The report critiques the 2010 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between California, Acre, and Chiapas, which aimed to link jurisdictional REDD+ programs to California's cap-and-trade system. It argues that these mechanisms prioritize market logic over structural climate causes, leading to land grabbing, the criminalization of traditional practices, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples. In Acre, the report identifies methodological flaws in emission accounting and failures in community-level projects. In Chiapas, it highlights the expropriation of territories for agrofuel monocultures and increasing public debt. The document concludes that REDD+ safeguards are largely rhetorical and recommends the exclusion of carbon markets and offsets from environmental policy.

A joint declaration by indigenous communities in Mexico, released during COP 13 in Cancún, argues that the 'green economy' and biodiversity conventions serve as fronts for corporate interests and the dispossession of indigenous lands. The document condemns the criminalization of environmental defenders and the use of deceptive conservation rhetoric to justify extractive projects, including wind and hydroelectric power. It specifically criticizes the REDD+ mechanism and the Nagoya and Cartagena protocols for favoring multinationals over indigenous sovereignty and biocultural heritage.

The document is a statement by indigenous groups in Mexico, issued during COP 13 in Cancun, condemning the 'green economy' and extractivist projects—including wind parks, hydroelectric projects, and mining—as drivers of human rights violations and territorial plundering. The signatories argue that international frameworks like the Nagoya and Cartagena Protocols and the REDD+ program prioritize corporate profit over biodiversity and indigenous sovereignty, calling for the protection of biocultural heritage and food sovereignty against the commodification of nature.

The document details the work of the RESISTE network in Chiapas, Mexico, which promotes agroecology, seed saving, and soil conservation to counter a national policy favoring export-oriented agribusiness and land privatization. Through horizontal community capacity building, the initiative supports eight family groups in transitioning away from chemical inputs toward sustainable food systems and the defense of territorial rights.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) opposes the REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) system, whether market-based or publicly funded. FoEI argues that REDD treats forests as mere carbon stocks, which ignores their social and cultural value and creates perverse incentives for deforestation. The document highlights risks such as the criminalization of traditional forest management, the displacement of communities, and the failure of carbon offsets to permanently reduce emissions. Instead of financial incentives, FoEI proposes strengthening the land rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, supporting collective forest management, and demanding that industrialized nations reduce fossil fuel emissions without relying on offsets.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) argues that REDD schemes, whether market-based or publicly funded, fail to address the root causes of climate change and risk harming the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. FoEI contends that REDD commodifies forests, reduces them to 'carbon stocks', and creates perverse incentives for deforestation while enabling industrialized nations to avoid direct emission reductions through offsets. The organization advocates for the recognition of communal land rights and the empowerment of forest-dependent populations as the only effective means of forest conservation.