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The document examines the rise of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and the challenges they pose to state monopolies on force. It argues that while PMSCs offer specialized skills and logistical support that could enhance African peacekeeping and Security Sector Reform (SSR), a critical lack of a binding international legal framework leads to accountability gaps and human rights abuses. The author distinguishes PMSCs from mercenaries and advocates for a supportive, non-offensive role for these companies, regulated by international law to prevent impunity.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is facing a crisis driven by disagreements over Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations with the EU and a shrinking revenue pool. While member states agree the 2002 SACU Agreement has not been fully implemented, they are divided on whether the organisation should be deepened into a common market or downgraded to a Free Trade Area (FTA). South Africa's dominance and its desire to shift toward 'production-led' regional integration further complicate the union's stability.

The document analyzes China's 'exceptionalism' in Africa, a policy framework based on the 1955 Bandung conference principles of sovereignty, non-interference, and mutual benefit. While this approach seeks to differentiate China from Western powers by emphasizing political equality and a non-donor-recipient model, the author identifies three primary challenges to its sustainability: the tension between non-interference and the protection of economic interests, the gap between nominal sovereign equality and actual power asymmetry, and the lack of central government control over autonomous sub-state and private actors.

The DRC faces significant hurdles in establishing state authority and territorial integrity, complicated by a stalled decentralisation process and border disputes over oil and gas deposits. The transition from MONUC to MONUSCO represents a symbolic shift toward stabilisation, while the STAREC programme attempts to restore basic institutional infrastructure in conflict zones. Resource governance remains precarious due to illegal mineral trade, lack of monitoring technology for oil exports, and legal disputes over mining contracts involving international corporations.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The document examines the 'smart sanctions' imposed by Western nations on Zimbabwe, concluding that their effectiveness has been limited by implementation loopholes and regional support for the Mugabe regime. It argues that while these measures were intended to pressure the elite, they have been used by ZANU-PF as a political scapegoat for economic decline. The author suggests a middle ground of conditional lifting to reward progress and deflate anti-imperialist rhetoric.

The report examines the surge in land acquisitions across Africa for agrofuel production, driven largely by EU mandatory targets for renewable transport fuels. It finds that approximately 5 million hectares of land have been acquired for fuel crops, often without community consent. The document argues that these 'land grabs' threaten food security by competing with food crops for fertile land and water, while providing minimal local employment. Environmental impacts include deforestation in the Congo Basin and habitat loss in Ethiopia's Babile Elephant Sanctuary. The report concludes that agrofuels are often exported for international profit rather than providing local energy security, leaving African nations with depleted natural resources.

The report argues that the expansion of agrofuels in Africa, driven largely by European Union mandates, leads to 'neo-colonialism' where land is acquired by foreign companies and governments. This process results in the displacement of local farmers, increased food insecurity, and significant ecological damage, including deforestation and water scarcity. The document highlights the 'myth of marginal lands,' asserting that land claimed as unused is often vital for communal survival. It recommends halting land acquisitions, prioritizing food sovereignty, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities.

The report examines the environmental, social, and economic impacts of unconventional oil extraction, focusing on tar sands and oil shale. It highlights that these resources produce significantly higher greenhouse gas emissions than conventional oil and cause severe local ecological damage, such as boreal forest destruction in Canada. The document criticizes the EU's Fuel Quality Directive for potentially underestimating the carbon intensity of these fuels and urges the EU to discourage their import and investment. It also details the involvement of European companies in projects across Venezuela, Madagascar, Congo, Russia, Jordan, and Morocco, warning that such developments in countries with weak governance risk exacerbating the 'resource curse' and undermining Millennium Development Goals.

The report traces the conceptual shift of sexual violence in conflict, moving from the 'lootpillageandrape' nexus of early 20th-century wars to the systematic 'rape camps' of the 1990s. It examines the role of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in establishing rape as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity. The document analyzes three theoretical frameworks—essentialism, structuralism, and social constructionism—to explain the motivations of perpetrators and the targeting of victims. It further details the development of international legal mechanisms, including the ICTY, ICTR, and the ICC, and the impact of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888 on the protection of women and the institutionalization of gender units in peacekeeping missions.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs reviews the 2009-2010 period, highlighting South Africa's influence in the G20 and the BASIC group during the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It discusses the need for reform in Bretton Woods institutions and the challenges of democratic stability in Africa, specifically in Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sudan. The statement also outlines President Zuma's prioritisation of bilateral relations with Angola, Brazil, and the UK, and the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The author argues that while South Africa possesses the political will and capability to react to security threats during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, it suffers from a lack of proactivity in counter-terrorism intelligence. This vulnerability is attributed to the politicisation of intelligence services and a sense of complacency following previous successful sporting events. The document identifies two primary security dimensions: high levels of violent criminality, exacerbated by porous borders and unemployment, and the risk of terrorism, noting that sports events are 'magnets' for such attacks. The author calls for an urgent overhaul of intelligence services, the replacement of political appointees with professionals, and improved national and international cooperation to prevent potential outrages.

The document analyzes the shift in African investment patterns as BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) increase their presence on the continent. While this trend boosts overall African economic growth and infrastructure, it creates new challenges for South African companies, including increased competition in resources and construction, and the risk of being undercut by state-subsidized Chinese firms. However, the author identifies opportunities for South Africa to leverage its local expertise through strategic partnerships with these new investors.

The document analyzes the strategic interdependence between China and Angola, where Chinese credit lines for infrastructure are guaranteed by oil supplies, and Chinese national oil companies seek equity in Angolan oil blocs. It details the 'Angola model' of resource-collateralized loans and the specific successes and failures of Sinopec's upstream and downstream ventures.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The document examines the potential for Namibia to increase economic growth and household incomes by aligning its red meat export standards with EU sanitary requirements. It emphasizes that while livestock production is a cornerstone of the Namibian economy, the implementation of disease-free zones must be balanced with wildlife conservation, land-use planning, and the livelihoods of rural populations. The brief specifically suggests the need for a transboundary animal disease risk-management zone with Angola to sustain livestock densities in northern regions.

The policy brief examines how Brazil's success in bioethanol production can be leveraged through the IBSA Forum to support biofuel development in South Africa and Africa. It identifies key barriers in South Africa, including a lack of a coherent national strategy and concerns over food security and land reform. The authors recommend that South Africa develop a balanced biofuel strategy, pursue collaborative R&D on second-generation biofuels, and create specific investment incentives to attract Brazilian expertise and capital.