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The paper examines submissions to the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action (AWG-LCA) to identify areas of convergence and divergence among Parties concerning financial and technological support for mitigation in developing countries.

The document examines the role of intermediate indicators—metrics that measure activity or service provision as a step toward a final outcome—as tools for policy learning and performance benchmarking. By reviewing case studies from sustainable development, agri-environmental policy, science and technology, construction, and overseas development assistance, the author argues that intermediate indicators offer more timely and actionable feedback than long-term outcome indicators. The paper suggests that applying these lessons to climate policy, such as through the quantification of sustainable development policies and measures (SD-PAMs), could enhance transparency and international cooperation, though it notes that data availability and measurement costs in developing countries remain significant barriers.

The document argues that the transition to a low-carbon energy economy requires a coordinated 'innovation chain' where domestic policies create initial markets and absorptive capacity, while international cooperation reduces R&D risks, smooths budget volatility, and accelerates cost reductions through global scale. It emphasizes that technology must be adapted to local contexts in developing countries and suggests that international support should cover incremental costs of new technologies and facilitate the transfer of intellectual property.

The document argues that South Africa's heavy reliance on coal, which provided over 90% of electricity generation, creates a significant opportunity for carbon mitigation through the deployment of Concentrated Solar Power (CSP). While the government's White Paper on Renewable Energy (WPRE) set a target of 10,000GWh of renewable energy by 2013, the author suggests a more ambitious target of 15% renewable contribution to final electricity consumption by 2020. To achieve this, the paper proposes a tender process for large-scale projects, complemented by a Renewable Energy Feed-in Tariff (REFIT) to make projects financially viable despite low domestic electricity tariffs. The author highlights that South Africa possesses vast solar resources, with 194,000km2 of land potentially viable for CSP. International cooperation is recommended to provide knowledge sharing, incremental funding to bridge the gap between levelised electricity costs and revenues, and risk mitigation to attract private capital.

The report argues that while developing countries often have domestic drivers for climate-beneficial policies (such as energy security and health), resource constraints and political priorities limit their scale. It suggests that international support should move beyond the Clean Development Mechanism's (CDM) project-specific approach toward supporting broader domestic policy frameworks. The authors advocate for the use of intermediate policy indicators and targets—rather than final emissions targets—to provide shorter feedback loops and early rewards for implementation. Case studies from Brazil, China, Ghana, India, and South Africa illustrate specific sectoral opportunities in transport, steel, wind power, and solar energy. The report concludes that such cooperation should be anchored in the UNFCCC to ensure transparency and a fair distribution of financial resources for incremental costs.

The document analyzes the Indian steel industry's high carbon intensity, driven by a proliferation of inefficient small-scale coal-based direct reduced iron (DRI) units and small blast furnaces. It argues that current project-based mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) are insufficient for systemic change. The author proposes a combination of a harmonised carbon tax and administered manufacturing standards to incentivize a shift toward larger, more efficient blast furnace-basic oxygen furnace (BF-BOF) units and the long-term substitution of steel with low-carbon materials. The paper emphasizes that international cooperation in technology transfer and capacity building is essential to support these domestic policy shifts.

The document analyzes the growth of China's wind power sector, highlighting the role of the 2005 Renewable Energy Law and strategic technology transfers from European companies. It uses Goldwind as a case study for successful private-public partnerships and argues that further international cooperation in turbine design and offshore technology is essential to meet future CO2 emission constraints.

The briefing addresses the intersection of the 2008 financial crisis and global climate response. It challenges the pessimistic view that economic instability will diminish political will for climate policy, arguing instead that the crisis demonstrates the danger of relying on unregulated markets. The authors assert that the transition to a sustainable economy requires massive global financing, international cooperation, and technology transfer, and that delaying action will lead to irreversible climate consequences far more severe than the current financial turmoil.

The Union of Concerned Scientists argues that the United States must stop building new coal plants without carbon capture and storage (CCS) to avoid locking in decades of high carbon emissions. The report recommends funding 5 to 10 commercial-scale CCS demonstration projects, implementing a strong economy-wide cap-and-trade program, and shifting federal R&D funding toward energy efficiency and renewable energy. It also highlights the severe environmental and health costs of the coal fuel cycle, specifically calling for a ban on mountaintop removal mining and the elimination of subsidies for coal-to-liquid technology. Internationally, the report advocates for sharing CCS technological lessons with developing nations, particularly China and India, to curb their expanding use of conventional coal.

The document examines how reducing trade barriers for low-carbon technologies can lower mitigation costs and support UNFCCC technology transfer mandates. It details the technical and political hurdles in WTO negotiations, such as the 'dual-use' problem and the lack of a universal definition for environmental goods. The author argues that trade liberalization alone is insufficient for climate mitigation, as factors like GDP, purchasing power, and intellectual property rights are critical determinants of technology diffusion. It suggests that if the Doha Round fails, alternatives like plurilateral agreements or regional trade agreements should be pursued, provided they are coupled with financial and technical assistance.

The document examines the dual role of intellectual property as both an incentive and a barrier to the transfer of climate-related technologies. It highlights the potential of TRIPS flexibilities—such as compulsory licensing and patentability exemptions—to facilitate technology access in developing countries. It also suggests exploring financial mechanisms and guidelines for publicly funded research within the UNFCCC framework to enhance the post-Kyoto climate regime.

The document argues that public funding for clean energy in developing countries is insufficient and that the private sector must be the primary driver of investment. It identifies two main categories of obstacles: international investment agreements (IIAs), which may expose governments to arbitration over climate regulations, and domestic policy barriers, such as lack of clear energy signals and monopoly structures. The author suggests that technology transfer is essentially an investment problem and recommends diagnostic national studies, similar to the WTO's Integrated Framework, to identify and remove these barriers.

The report identifies a critical gap between the investment needed for clean energy in developing countries and current funding levels, arguing that the private sector must be the primary driver. It details domestic barriers such as political instability, lack of clear energy policies, and financial system deficiencies, while proposing incentives like feed-in tariffs and microfinance. Additionally, it examines how International Investment Agreements (IIAs), including the Energy Charter Treaty and the ECOWAS Energy Protocol, can either facilitate or restrict a state's regulatory space to implement climate-related policies due to protections against indirect expropriation and requirements for fair and equitable treatment.

The report argues that while public funds like the $10 billion Clean Technology Fund are necessary, they are insufficient compared to the $22 trillion needed for energy investment by 2030. It identifies domestic policy barriers—such as lack of clear energy signals, monopoly structures, and subsidies for conventional energy—as primary obstacles that make developing countries unattractive to investors. Internationally, the document notes that the 'spaghetti bowl' of international investment agreements (IIAs) may chill climate regulations through risks of indirect expropriation claims and 'fair and equitable treatment' obligations. It recommends national diagnostic studies to identify specific barriers and suggests that improving domestic investment environments is a critical, yet overlooked, mechanism for facilitating technology transfer.

The paper examines the rapid growth of China-Africa relations, noting that while Chinese investment and debt forgiveness are welcomed, the relationship is often asymmetrical. It suggests that African leaders should adopt a pragmatic approach—inspired by Deng Xiaoping's reforms—to negotiate better terms, including technology transfer, local labour requirements, and preferential trade agreements. The author advocates for using the China-Africa Co-operation Forum to establish a formal code of conduct and a civil society forum to hold Beijing accountable for its commitments regarding human rights, arms trafficking, and fair trade.

The document examines the tensions between trade liberalization and climate goals, proposing that the EU integrate ambitious environmental standards into trade agreements and that WTO rules be subordinated to international climate agreements.

The document examines the tensions between trade liberalisation and climate mitigation, proposing that the EU and WTO shift from a market-access focus to one that prioritises environmental standards, technology transfer, and the principle of mutual supportiveness between trade and climate regimes.

The document examines how international trade contributes to climate change, primarily through transport emissions, and explores whether trade mechanisms can be repurposed to support sustainability. It discusses specific tools such as 'fair miles' labeling, the liberalization of environmental goods and services, and the implementation of energy efficiency technical standards. The text highlights a conflict between the EU's 'A Global Europe' strategy—which emphasizes market liberalization—and its climate commitments, arguing that intellectual property rights and trade barriers often hinder the transfer of clean technologies to developing nations. Furthermore, it analyzes the legal uncertainty within the WTO regarding carbon footprint labeling and border tax adjustments, calling for a 'mutual support' principle where trade rules are interpreted to facilitate, rather than obstruct, multilateral environmental agreements.

The document argues that the G-8 must ensure responses to high oil prices do not increase carbon-intensive energy investments. It proposes legally-binding cap-and-trade systems for international aviation and shipping, the creation of Low Carbon Technology Innovation and Diffusion Centres in developing countries, and a shift toward innovative, strategic funding for climate adaptation. It further advocates for a post-2012 UNFCCC framework with differentiated but legally binding emission targets for both developed and major developing nations, and suggests restructuring the International Energy Agency (IEA) to support a global energy transition.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) demands that industrialized countries reduce emissions by at least 40% by 2020 and provide large-scale financial transfers to developing nations based on climate debt. The organization rejects carbon offsetting, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and the inclusion of forests in carbon markets, arguing that such mechanisms undermine real emission cuts and threaten indigenous land rights. FoEI advocates for the conservation of old-growth forests, the protection of climate refugees, and the removal of the World Bank from climate financing roles due to its undemocratic structure and continued investment in fossil fuels.