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The report estimates that diesel fine particle pollution causes approximately 21,000 premature deaths annually in the U.S., with significant risks of lung cancer, heart attacks, and asthma. It argues that while EPA regulations for new engines starting in 2007 are positive, the long lifespan of existing diesel vehicles (nearly 30 years) necessitates immediate retrofit actions. The document proposes a reduction target of 50% by 2010, 75% by 2015, and 85% by 2020, which could save nearly 100,000 lives by 2030. Recommended solutions include diesel particulate filters (DPF), Ultra Low Sulfur Diesel (ULSD), and anti-idling ordinances.

The report examines the WIPO Development Agenda process, detailing proposals from the Group of Friends of Development (FOD), the UK, and the US to integrate development goals into WIPO's governance, norm-setting, and technical assistance. It also tracks IP-related activities across the WTO, WHO, UNESCO, and various bilateral and regional trade agreements, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over TRIPS flexibilities, public health, and the protection of traditional knowledge.

The document examines the conflict between the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), specifically advocating for mandatory disclosure of the origin of genetic resources and traditional knowledge in patent applications to prevent biopiracy. It also provides a quarterly update on IP negotiations within the WTO, WIPO, and other UN bodies, as well as developments in bilateral and regional free trade agreements involving the US and EU.

Forty-two organizations oppose a June 17 draft of amendments to the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) intended to implement the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs). The signatories argue the draft contains flaws that would hinder the EPA's ability to regulate new POPs, contradicts the treaty's precautionary principle by requiring a 'reasonable balance' between health and economic costs, and introduces 'sound science' requirements that could invite litigation. They further criticize the draft for establishing a regulatory ceiling that prevents the U.S. from implementing stricter standards than the Convention minimums and for including preemption language that could void state and local protections. The organizations advocate for a draft proposed by Representative Solis, which they claim better enables the U.S. to fulfill its international obligations while preserving domestic environmental law.

The document consists of several appendices. Appendix A lists Class I areas not evaluated by the EPA. Appendix B compares SO2 and NOx reductions under CAIR versus the Best Available Retrofit Technology (BART) standard. Appendix C is a detailed scientific critique of the ARIES study, arguing that utility industry claims using ARIES to downplay the health risks of sulfates are not supported by the study's actual data or broader medical literature. Appendix D lists counties remaining in nonattainment for PM2.5 and ozone. Appendix E contains a statement from the Institute of Clean Air Companies on the achievability of NOx and SO2 limits. Appendices F through L provide detailed modeling data, cost summaries, and emission projections for various policy scenarios (CATF11, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23).

The report details how Hispanic Americans are disproportionately exposed to air pollution, with 71 percent living in counties violating federal air quality standards as of 2002. It identifies specific health risks including asthma, stunted lung growth, and low birth weight, exacerbated by poverty and lack of health insurance. The document also notes risks from mercury contamination in fish and the potential for global warming to induce crop failures and famines. Finally, it argues that the EPA has failed to implement Executive Order 12898 because it has not identified impacted populations or developed criteria for determining disproportionate risk.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) documents a pattern of scientific misconduct within the Bush administration, citing cases where political objectives overrode scientific evidence. Key examples include the disregard of environmental impacts in mountaintop removal mining, the denial of over-the-counter access to emergency contraception despite expert advice, and the manipulation of endangered species data for salmon, Florida panthers, bull trout, and trumpeter swans. The report also details the use of political litmus tests for scientific advisory panel appointments and recommends reforms to protect government scientists and ensure the independence of advisory committees.

The report analyzes the potential health impacts of three policy alternatives to the proposed Clear Skies Act—the Clean Air Planning Act (Carper), the Clean Power Act (Jeffords), and the EPA August 2001 Straw Proposal—focusing on avoidable health effects from fine particulate matter (PM2.5) for the years 2010 and 2020. To ensure direct comparability with U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates, the study employs the same analytical methods, emissions estimates, air quality forecasting, and health assessment models used by the EPA in its 2003 analysis of the Clear Skies Act.

The report documents that fine particle pollution from U.S. power plants causes nearly 24,000 premature deaths annually, including 2,800 from lung cancer, and 38,200 non-fatal heart attacks. It argues that the Bush administration's 'Clear Skies' proposal is insufficient compared to the Clean Air Act or the more stringent Jeffords bill, which could avoid 22,000 deaths per year. The analysis highlights that elderly populations, children, and communities of color—particularly in the Midwest and Southwest—are disproportionately affected.

This report analyzes the health impacts of various US power plant emission reduction policies, comparing the Clear Skies Act (CSA) with the Carper Bill, Jeffords Bill, and an EPA Straw Proposal. Using the REMSAD air quality model and BenMAP health analysis tool, the study quantifies avoidable cases of premature mortality, chronic bronchitis, heart attacks, and respiratory/cardiovascular hospitalizations. The findings indicate that the Jeffords Bill provides the highest health benefits in both 2010 and 2020, while the CSA provides the lowest among the policy options. The report also includes a 'No EGU' scenario to establish the total health footprint of coal-fired electricity generating units.

The report finds that diesel pollution caused an estimated 3,000 premature deaths and $21.5 billion in health costs in California in 2004. While new engine standards will reduce emissions over time, the longevity of existing engines means significant health risks persist. The authors argue that full implementation of California's Diesel Risk Reduction Plan and increased funding for the Carl Moyer Memorial Air Standards Attainment Program could prevent 11,000 premature deaths and save between $48 billion and $70 billion by 2020.

The document provides legal arguments to support the legitimacy of California's MTBE ban in the arbitration between Methanex Corporation and the United States. It contends that international law, including the precautionary principle and the right to potable water, mandates deference to government health and environmental regulations. The authors argue that foreseeable impacts on foreign investors or the existence of alternative measures do not prove discriminatory intent under NAFTA Chapter 11.

A coalition of environmental and health organizations rejected the EPA's February 25, 2004, draft amendments to FIFRA, arguing the bill fails to adequately implement the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs). The groups contend the draft ignores health-based standards, fails to align domestic regulation with international POPs listings, and lacks a transparent public comment process. They further argue that the administration is using the bill to advance a "fringe constitutional theory" regarding the non-delegation of power to international bodies.

The document analyzes the intersection of intellectual property and development, highlighting the risks of fragmented negotiations across different international bodies. It focuses on three critical issues for the September 2004 WIPO General Assembly: the interrelation between the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and IP disclosure requirements, the proposed treaty on the protection of broadcasting organizations, and the future of the Substantive Patent Law Treaty (SPLT). Additionally, it tracks IP-related activities in the WTO, WHO, UNCTAD, and various bilateral 'TRIPS-plus' trade agreements, arguing that developed countries often use bilateral fora to circumvent multilateral flexibilities.

The report examines the shift in intellectual property standard-setting from multilateral forums like the WTO and WIPO to bilateral and regional trade agreements. It highlights the risk of "TRIPS-plus" provisions—standards exceeding the WTO's TRIPS Agreement—which erode flexibilities for developing countries. A central focus is the application of non-violation complaints in bilateral deals (e.g., US-Chile, CAFTA), which the authors argue could make WTO discussions irrelevant and restrict the right of states to regulate IP in the public interest. The document also updates activities in the TRIPS Council, WIPO's committees on patents and genetic resources, and various UN agencies regarding traditional knowledge and public health.

The document examines the intersection of intellectual property and development, focusing on the implementation of the ITPGRFA's multilateral system for access and benefit-sharing. It analyzes ambiguities in the treaty regarding the patenting of genetic resources and the enforcement of Material Transfer Agreements (MTAs). Additionally, it tracks IP-related activities in the WTO, WIPO, and various other international bodies, while highlighting a trend where developed nations, particularly the US and EU, pursue 'TRIPS-plus' standards through bilateral and regional free trade agreements to circumvent multilateral flexibilities.

The document criticizes the EPA's 2002 implementation proposal for the 1997 8-hour ozone standard, claiming it unlawfully attempts to shift nonattainment areas from the more protective Subpart 2 requirements to the weaker Subpart 1. It further warns that the EPA's plan to revoke the 1-hour ozone standard would allow areas to abandon critical control measures, such as transportation conformity and maintenance plans, thereby endangering vulnerable populations—particularly children and the elderly—who are susceptible to ozone-linked respiratory issues and asthma.

The document urges the United States Trade Representative to oppose the initiation of investment liberalization negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial meeting in Cancun.

The document argues that shifting from a strict 'necessity' test to a 'proportionality' test in WTO dispute settlements would transfer the power to balance trade interests against public policy goals from domestic democratic institutions to WTO panels and the Appellate Body. It specifically warns that proposed changes to the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) could allow the WTO to outlaw domestic measures it deems 'out of balance' with their objectives, potentially undermining protections for the environment, human health, and consumers.

As of April 2003, Burundi faced a severe humanitarian crisis characterized by massive internal displacement, food insecurity due to drought, and a fragmented political transition. An estimated 300,000 people had died since 1993, and over 500,000 were internally displaced. The document highlights that international aid remains limited because donors are withholding support until a comprehensive ceasefire and the Arusha agreement reforms are implemented. High population density and land scarcity further complicate the potential return of over 840,000 refugees, primarily located in Tanzania. The report concludes that humanitarian conditions will not improve until the government ends impunity and protects civilians, and until political elites prioritize peace over power struggles.