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The document outlines a framework for sector-level climate planning, arguing that such processes are essential for achieving the Paris Agreement and providing the necessary data for Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs). It emphasizes that aligning planning across sectoral, national, and international levels creates synergies and enables more informed decision-making.

The guide argues that simplicity is essential for the longevity and feasibility of national-level monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) systems for climate adaptation, given resource constraints and the long timelines of climate impacts. It recommends that countries clarify objectives before data collection, integrate adaptation into existing national or sectoral systems rather than creating standalone ones, and use an incremental approach through piloting and progress reporting. The document emphasizes that MEL should ultimately serve as a storytelling process to communicate progress through evidence-based narratives.

The briefing argues that the Komstroy ruling effectively bars investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS) between EU investors and Member States under the ECT, creating significant legal obstacles to the enforcement of awards and potentially allowing EU State aid law to block compensation payments.

The text examines the global decline of trust in democracy, linking it to economic inequality, technological shifts, and social transformation. It positions Green politics as a solution to this crisis through the promotion of active citizenship, the creation of a socially just and sustainable vision of prosperity to replace fossil-fuel-based social democracy, and the democratic reform of the European Union.

The author argues that right-wing populist parties in Europe are replacing outright climate denial with a 'green patriotism' that frames environmental protection as a nationalist and identitarian project. Using the Spanish party Vox and the French Rassemblement National (RN) as primary examples, the text describes how these parties reject 'globalist' climate policies and international cooperation in favor of national energy autarky, localism, and the preservation of national 'natural heritage'. This shift is presented as a strategic move to appeal to working-class voters and a way to integrate environmental concerns into a broader civilizational conflict between nationalist and globalist worldviews.

The Canadian Climate Institute asserts that climate policy can no longer be the sole responsibility of Environment and Climate Change Canada, as it now impacts multiple ministries including agriculture, transport, and natural resources. The author argues that current ministerial silos lead to inefficient policies and recommends the creation of a dedicated Cabinet committee on climate issues, increased resources for the Privy Council Office's climate secretariat, and strong executive leadership from the Prime Minister. The text highlights that successful whole-of-government models have been used historically in Canada during WWII and more recently in British Columbia, the UK, and the US.

The Canadian Climate Institute asserts that Canada requires a whole-of-government approach to climate change to ensure that all departments work collaboratively rather than in silos. While some structures exist, such as a climate secretariat in the Privy Council Office, the author recommends establishing a dedicated cabinet committee for climate change, expanding the Privy Council Office's secretariat, and implementing a 'climate lens' for all government decision-making. Success depends on sustained executive leadership from the Prime Minister, buy-in across the public service, adequate resources, and external accountability through advisory bodies.

CATF Executive Director Armond Cohen outlines the organization's efforts at COP26 to prioritize methane emissions reductions and the deployment of next-generation carbon-free technologies. Key achievements include the launch of the Global Methane Pledge and the inclusion of methane and coal 'phase down' language in the final COP26 text. The document emphasizes that meeting net-zero targets requires an expanded suite of technologies beyond renewables, including carbon capture, hydrogen, and advanced nuclear energy.

The report examines the intersection of climate change and agriculture in the Canadian Prairies, highlighting that the region contributes 64% of Canada's agricultural emissions. It identifies critical risks such as flooding, heat waves, and invasive pests, while arguing that beneficial management practices (BMPs) can improve economic viability and reduce emissions if supported by increased public investment and policy changes.

The document argues that current ISDS compensation practices are complex, inconsistent, and create legal uncertainty, which can lead to 'regulatory chill' and hinder states' ability to take climate action. The authors advocate for a legally binding multilateral treaty to standardize compensation, the restriction of speculative valuation methods like Discounted Cash Flow (DCF), and the consideration of investor conduct and public interest when determining awards. They further suggest exploring the role of domestic courts in assessing damages and increasing the transparency of expert opinions.

The author contends that traditional cost-benefit analysis (CBA) is ill-suited for climate policy as it focuses on incremental change and fails to account for long-term investments, new market entrants, technology learning curves, and the economic value of policy certainty. Using the automotive sector as an example, the text argues that CBA may discourage the early investments in electric vehicles necessary for Canada's long-term competitiveness. The document proposes transitioning to 'risk-opportunity analysis,' which evaluates portfolios of policies under various plausible scenarios and accounts for qualitative risks and positive feedback loops.

The briefing argues that increasing the 45Q tax credit from $50 to $85 per metric ton would significantly increase industrial carbon capture, potentially reducing annual CO2 emissions by 22 to 36 million metric tons by 2031, particularly in hard-to-abate sectors like cement and steel.

The paper introduces a "transformation seismograph" concept designed to provide early warning signals of systemic shifts toward net-zero emissions. By identifying measurable factors that precede changes in greenhouse gas projections, the authors suggest a comprehensive monitoring system with sector-specific indicators to assist policymakers in designing effective interventions and international cooperation. The concept was specifically tested against electricity generation and electric light-duty vehicles.

The report identifies a significant gap between the UK government's high-level climate policy intentions and their practical local delivery, noting that initiatives like the North Sea Transition Deal lack the overarching coordination needed to effectively support workers and communities.

The analysis finds that emissions trends in 30 major economies are far from Paris Agreement goals, with group emissions projected to increase by approximately 0.4% per year between 2021 and 2030. While nearly two-thirds of the analyzed countries are expected to accelerate mitigation efforts in the 2020s, current policies remain insufficient, as global emissions would need to fall by 7.6% annually until 2030 to meet climate targets.

The briefing highlights the role of non-state actors in driving climate action despite insufficient national pledges. It identifies four mechanisms—certification schemes, demand aggregation, climate-aligned finance, and national alliances—that create 'ambition loops' to scale low-carbon solutions. Examples include India's Shoonya initiative for electric delivery, the US-based Renewable Energy Buyers Alliance, the Poseidon Principles for shipping finance, and the America Is All In coalition.

The document analyzes the projected decline of coal-fired power in the EU by 2030, noting that while most member states are rapidly transitioning, Poland, Czechia, and Bulgaria will account for over 95% of the EU's planned coal electricity production by that year. It emphasizes that Germany's commitment to exit coal by 2030 isolates these three countries, whose combined coal reduction (42% from 2015 to 2030) lags significantly behind the 99% reduction seen in the other 27 EU nations.

The document examines how permitting processes can be optimized to support the rapid decarbonization of heavy industry, specifically in Sweden's cement, steel, petrochemical, and refinery sectors. Based on a workshop with government agencies and industrial companies, it identifies key characteristics of successful permitting—such as transparency, predictability, and dialogue—and emphasizes the critical role of competence and resources. The brief argues that while some regulatory reforms may be needed, significant improvements can be achieved within existing frameworks by increasing institutional expertise, ensuring stable funding for authorities, and encouraging companies to treat stakeholder dialogue as a core competence.

The document critiques the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change and the 'A Healthy Environment and a Healthy Economy' plan for failing to engage Indigenous peoples beyond tokenism. It asserts that these policies entrench settler colonial relations and exclude Indigenous rights holders from decision-making processes. The author emphasizes that meaningful climate action requires repairing relationships with First Nations, Inuit, and Métis people, respecting generational knowledge, and shifting toward Indigenous-led policy initiatives.

The document critiques the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change and the 'A Healthy Environment and a Healthy Economy' plan for failing to establish genuine nation-to-nation relationships with Indigenous peoples. It asserts that current consultation processes are superficial, structurally exclude Indigenous voices from working groups, and ignore the role of the fossil fuel industry in violating Indigenous rights. The author emphasizes that integrating Indigenous knowledge systems—which view the Earth as a living, sacred entity—is essential for addressing the climate crisis. To remedy these failures, the document proposes a shift toward community-level engagement and the creation of an expert advisory council representing Canada's five biomes to ensure territory-based solutions.