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The document contends that HFC-23 destruction projects create perverse incentives for manufacturers to increase the production of potent greenhouse gases to profit from carbon credits. It highlights that these credits, which made up 59% of offsets used by European companies in 2009, do not support sustainable development and conflict with the goals of the UNFCCC and the Montreal Protocol.

The document examines the environmental and economic flaws of HFC-23 destruction projects within the CDM, noting that the high value of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) encourages the production of HCFC-22 and its byproduct HFC-23. It highlights a conflict between the CDM and the Montreal Protocol, where CDM subsidies may prolong the life of older, more emissive factories. The briefing concludes that the EU should ban HFC-23 CERs from the EU ETS to redirect investment toward sustainable energy and support the Montreal Protocol's phase-out of HCFCs.

The document defines environmental justice as the right to healthy living environments and a fair share of nature's benefits. It argues that the poorest populations are disproportionately affected by environmental damage and climate change, while the wealthiest are most responsible. Friends of the Earth advocates for 'climate justice,' where rich countries lead in carbon cuts and fund adaptation for poorer nations. The text highlights specific case studies of its work, including fighting oil pollution in Nigeria, uranium mining in Australia, and urban planning issues in the UK.

The World Bank is criticized as a major climate polluter that uses its role in climate finance to maintain developed country control over developing nations. Despite its rhetoric, the Bank continues to fund carbon-intensive projects, such as a $3.75 billion coal plant loan to South Africa, and promotes flawed carbon offsetting and forest conservation schemes. The report contrasts the World Bank's donor-controlled Climate Investment Funds (CIFs) with the more equitable, grant-based UNFCCC Adaptation Fund, calling for a transition to a Global Climate Fund accountable to the Conference of Parties.

The report analyzes how the Canadian agricultural sector can contribute to greenhouse gas reductions and the economic implications of emerging climate policies. It highlights the potential for carbon sequestration in soils and the role of bioenergy, while discussing the complexities of implementing a national cap-and-trade system. Key concerns include the integrity of agricultural offsets, the risk of carbon reversal, and the impact of international trade rules and U.S. policy alignment on Canadian competitiveness.

The document advocates for targeting black carbon—a potent short-lived climate forcer—as a 'no regrets' strategy to slow near-term global warming and reduce premature deaths. It identifies diesel engines, cook stoves, and agricultural burning as primary controllable sources and proposes specific regulatory and financial mechanisms, such as diesel particulate filters and clean stove deployment, to address them.

Carbon Market Watch identifies a gap in the CDM process where public input ceases after the validation report is submitted, leaving no official way for civil society to challenge incorrect claims or trigger reviews. The submission recommends extending registration notifications to the public via mailing lists and allowing 10 UNFCCC accredited observer organisations or 100 individuals to trigger review requests to improve accountability and efficiency.

The report identifies 'Carbon Fat Cats'—companies that received excessive free emissions permits under Phase 2 of the EU ETS (2008-2012). It finds that the top ten companies held 35 million surplus permits in 2008, valued at €500 million, with projected surpluses reaching 230 million permits (€3.2 billion) by 2012. This over-allocation in industrial sectors like iron, steel, and cement means that a small number of power companies, specifically RWE and EON, must deliver the majority of the scheme's net emissions reductions. The report argues that this creates competitive distortions and undermines climate targets, recommending higher ambition (a 30% cut by 2020), limited access to overseas offsets, and the cancellation of Member State reserves.

The document argues that China's reliance on resource-intensive, low-tech exports has created an environmental reputation that now acts as an economic liability. It analyzes the impact of Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) and Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) measures from the EU, US, and Japan, noting significant financial losses in the mechanical, electrical, textile, and agricultural sectors. The paper highlights the rise of private voluntary standards (such as ISO 14001 and HACCP) as de facto conditions of sale and recommends that the Chinese government strengthen its domestic standards regime, improve information dissemination to exporters, and foster partnerships with the private sector to transition toward a sustainable trade model.

The executive summary argues that REDD mechanisms are flawed because they focus on reducing emissions rather than stopping deforestation, potentially rewarding polluters and harming Indigenous Peoples. It warns that funding REDD through carbon offsetting undermines climate mitigation in industrialized nations and risks displacing forest-dependent communities. The author advocates for grant-based funding, the exclusion of plantations from forest definitions, and a rights-based approach to forest conservation.

The paper analyzes the technical and political requirements for linking cap-and-trade systems in North America, specifically focusing on the U.S., Canada, and Mexico. It argues that while linking reduces overall carbon costs and GDP impacts, it may not significantly mitigate production leakage. The authors identify critical design elements requiring harmonization—such as cap type, offset limits, and enforcement quality—and conclude that divergent national interests make a fully integrated system unlikely, with a minimal U.S.-Canada link and a more significant U.S.-Mexico link being the most probable outcome.

The study demonstrates that the EU can achieve domestic emission cuts of 40% by 2020 and 90% by 2050 through radical energy efficiency, a shift to renewables, and the phase-out of fossil fuels and nuclear power. It argues that such a transition is technically possible and economically bearable, costing approximately 2% of the EU's cumulative discounted GDP between 2010 and 2020. To achieve climate justice, the report asserts the EU must also provide between €150 billion and €450 billion annually by 2020 to support mitigation in developing countries.

The document argues that Namibia's tourism economy faces a risk of decline if it does not address the indirect impacts of climate change, specifically tourists' concerns over the carbon footprint of their travel. It proposes a shift toward carbon-neutral products, the creation of a national policy on climate change and tourism, and the establishment of a national body to oversee the quality of carbon-offset products to secure a comparative advantage over other destinations.

The report argues that carbon trading is a fundamentally flawed mechanism that fails to drive real emissions reductions or technological innovation, instead creating risks of financial speculation and locking economies into high-carbon infrastructure. It specifically critiques the use of offsetting as an unjust 'escape hatch' that shifts responsibility from developed to developing nations. The authors advocate for a shift toward direct government interventions, including carbon taxation, strict regulation, and massive public investment in low-carbon infrastructure, while calling for developed countries to provide at least €200 billion per year in new and additional climate finance to the global South.

The document argues that carbon trading is an ineffective and dangerous approach to climate mitigation, failing to drive necessary emissions cuts or technological innovation. It highlights six central problems: inefficiency in driving reductions, failure to stimulate innovation, lock-in of high-carbon infrastructure, reliance on flawed offsetting, the risk of a financial bubble similar to the subprime mortgage crisis, and its use as a smokescreen for the developed world's failure to provide climate finance. The report recommends halting the global expansion of emissions trading and instead deploying direct tools such as carbon taxes, regulation, and public investment. It further calls for developed countries to reduce emissions by at least 40% by 2020 (excluding offsets) and provide at least 200 billion in annual public funds to developing countries by 2012.

The document outlines a comprehensive framework for accelerating campus climate initiatives, focusing on five key areas: climate action planning, buildings and utilities, renewable energy, transportation, and carbon offsets. It emphasizes 'whole-system thinking' and 'integrative design' to achieve deep energy savings and carbon reductions more cost-effectively than incremental improvements. The guide addresses common barriers such as insufficient capital, lack of technical expertise, and institutional resistance, offering specific financial tools like Revolving Loan Funds and Energy Performance Contracting. It also provides case studies from various U.S. institutions to illustrate successful implementation of energy-efficient retrofits, renewable energy installations, and sustainable transportation programs.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the Kerry-Boxer draft climate bill for failing to meet scientific requirements for emissions reductions and for including unreliable offsets and subsidies for 'dirty energy' technologies.

The document argues that the 2004 Model BIT prioritizes investor rights over public interest, specifically regarding sustainable development, environmental protection, and health and safety. The authors criticize the investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism for bypassing domestic courts and lacking appellate review. They contend the model fails the 'no greater rights' standard by using broad definitions of investment and expropriation that deviate from U.S. Supreme Court precedent. Key recommendations include replacing ISDS with state-to-state dispute settlement, requiring the exhaustion of domestic remedies, and introducing general exceptions for health, safety, and environmental measures.

The document examines the transition from fragmented regional carbon markets to a global architecture, analyzing the risks of market manipulation, environmental integrity failures, and the technical challenges of linking different systems. It proposes a framework of institutional functions—ranging from decentralized cooperation to centralized oversight—to manage price volatility, ensure robust monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV), and regulate financial derivatives to prevent excessive speculation.

The American Clean Energy and Security Act of 2009 (ACES) proposes a cap-and-trade system to reduce US greenhouse gas emissions to 17% below 2005 levels by 2020 and 83% by 2050. While power plants and fossil fuel producers are capped, bioenergy from renewable biomass is exempt, and agriculture and forestry sectors can generate carbon offsets. The bill introduces a combined Efficiency and Renewable Electricity Standard requiring 20% renewable energy by 2021, expands the definition of renewable biomass for the Renewable Fuels Standard, and authorizes funding for woodstove replacements, the National Bioenergy Partnership, and strategic tree-planting.