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The document examines how US farm subsidies, specifically the Federal Crop Insurance Program, encourage wasteful farming practices that lead to widespread nitrogen pollution. It details the resulting costs to public health, water utilities, and coastal industries, while proposing a transition to integrated prairie strips to reduce runoff and save taxpayers and farmers billions of dollars.

The author contends that the Doha Development Round is 'dead' following the Nairobi Ministerial, a failure attributed to a shift in global power from a US-led hegemony toward a multipolar system including China and India. To prevent the fragmentation of the multilateral trading system caused by 'megaregional trade agreements', the paper suggests moving away from the 'single undertaking rule' and the 'consensus principle'. Instead, it proposes a 'plurilateral' approach where smaller interest groups negotiate sectoral agreements and link regional deals to the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The author specifically urges emerging economies like South Africa to embrace plurilaterals to advance their trade interests, noting that the traditional North-South divide has been replaced by more complex interests, with countries like China, Brazil, and India now also utilizing agricultural subsidies.

The report analyzes the energy-irrigation nexus in Haryana, India, where heavily subsidized electricity has led to the over-extraction of groundwater and financial distress for distribution companies (DISCOMs). It quantifies subsidies for wheat, paddy, and sugarcane, finding that electricity subsidies account for approximately 46% of total subsidies. The study recommends spatial targeting of reforms, the adoption of energy-efficient and solar pumps, and a transition toward output-driven subsidy regimes to ensure long-term environmental and economic sustainability.

The document identifies six clusters of trade-related commitments in the post-2015 agenda, ranging from subsidy reform to the strengthening of the multilateral trading system. It argues that because trade's contribution to sustainable development is diffuse, a coordinated review process is necessary to ensure policy coherence. The authors propose a three-tier review architecture consisting of national self-assessments, regional peer reviews, and global thematic assessments. A central role is assigned to the World Trade Organization's Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM) and the High-level Political Forum (HLPF). To manage the complexity of data and reporting, the paper recommends the creation of an inter-agency task force to synthesize trade-related reports and provide analytical oversight of trade-offs between goals.

The report identifies significant gaps between Zambia's national agricultural policies and the proposed global SDGs, noting that while national goals focus on production and exports, the SDGs emphasize human well-being and systemic sustainability. It highlights that current Zambian interventions, such as the Farmer Input Support Programme (FISP), reinforce a reliance on maize and fail to address structural barriers like poor market access and climate vulnerability.

The document analyzes the transition from the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), focusing on the shift toward a universal, integrated approach to food security and sustainable agriculture. It reviews proposals from the Open Working Group (OWG) and other entities, highlighting a consensus on increasing productivity and resource efficiency while prioritizing vulnerable populations. However, it notes that specific implementation strategies and the integration of cross-sectoral synergies remain underdeveloped.

The report examines the trade policies of BRICS nations within the WTO framework, highlighting their transition from individual actors to a coordinated group. It specifically analyzes their roles in the Doha Round, where they collaborated through groups like G-20 Agriculture and NAMA-11 to challenge the dominance of the US and EU. The text details their divergent and convergent interests in agriculture, non-agricultural market access, anti-dumping, and intellectual property, while assessing their use of the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism. It concludes that while BRICS has achieved significant political cohesion in multilateral trade forums, substantial differences in their domestic economic models and commercial interests persist.

The report analyzes the deadlock of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and the subsequent shift toward preferential trade agreements (PTAs). It argues that the rise of international supply chain trade (SCT) requires the WTO to move away from a 'silo approach' to policy and instead adopt a framework that addresses the joint impact of tariffs, services, and regulations on value chains. The author suggests using the WTO as a forum for deliberation on new issues—such as digital trade and environmental policies—and proposes a 'code of conduct' for plurilateral agreements to allow subsets of members to advance without requiring full consensus.

The report argues that the current U.S. agricultural landscape is dominated by corn and soybeans due to federal subsidies, which contradicts national nutritional goals. Using economic modeling, the authors find that aligning production with healthy dietary guidelines would significantly increase fruit and vegetable acreage while reducing cereal grain production. Such a transition would likely improve public health, reduce environmental degradation from monocropping and livestock operations, and create new economic opportunities for farmers, particularly in the Midwest.

The report finds that Spain's biofuel policies, particularly for biodiesel, have often resulted in marginal benefits and net emission increases due to a high reliance on imported fuels and feedstocks. While ethanol provided modest emission savings, the overall sector saw a GDP contraction in 2011. The study highlights that conventional biodiesel is a costly and environmentally damaging option compared to other renewable energy technologies, and recommends phasing out support for first-generation biofuels in favor of low-carbon alternatives.

The report analyzes the costs and benefits of U.K. biofuel policies, focusing on the Renewable Transport Fuel Obligation (RTFO) for the 2011/2012 period. It finds that total support for biofuels ranged between £359 million and £445 million, with biodiesel receiving the bulk of this support due to excise tax exemptions for used cooking oil (UCO). While UCO-based biodiesel offers the lowest carbon abatement costs, conventional biodiesel can lead to net emission increases due to indirect land-use change (ILUC). The report also notes that employment gains are difficult to quantify and that the U.K.'s reliance on U.S. corn for bioethanol may pose energy security risks.

The report finds that EU biofuel policies have significantly increased palm oil consumption, with the biofuels sector accounting for 80% of the total increase in EU palm oil use between 2006 and 2012. It argues that the low cost and high yield of palm oil make it a 'marginal vegetable oil' that replaces domestic feedstocks like rapeseed. The authors warn that without reducing subsidies for food-based biofuels, the EU will likely see a 40% increase in palm oil consumption by 2020, potentially exacerbating deforestation and carbon emissions in tropical forests and peatlands.

The G-20 has progressively prioritised global food security since 2009, focusing on price volatility, agricultural productivity, and humanitarian tools. However, the document argues that these efforts have had few measurable effects in Africa due to a lack of implementation of regulatory reforms and insufficient investment. It specifically highlights the negative impact of market-distorting biofuel policies and agricultural protectionism in developed countries, which undermine food security for smallholders in the developing world. The author recommends that South Africa use its G-20 membership to push for the regulation of commodity speculation, the elimination of agricultural subsidies, and increased funding for African agriculture.

The report argues that EU biofuel policies, particularly those supporting conventional food-based biofuels, are not cost-effective and often fail to meet their stated public good objectives. It finds that significant public subsidies—estimated between EUR 5.5 and 6.9 billion in 2011—support an industry where benefits are increasingly captured by non-EU suppliers rather than EU farmers. The analysis highlights that conventional biofuels can lead to net increases in greenhouse gas emissions when indirect land use change (ILUC) is considered and contribute to higher global food prices. The report suggests that tightening vehicle emission standards to 95 gCO2/km by 2020 would be a significantly cheaper and more effective way to abate carbon emissions than subsidizing biofuels. It recommends phasing out support for food-based biofuels and implementing a 5 per cent cap on their contribution to renewable energy targets.

The document analyzes India's relationship with the KAS guidelines, a framework for global economic governance. It argues that while India supports the guidelines in the realm of financial market regulation, it faces significant domestic hurdles in implementing them within its 'real economy'—specifically regarding agriculture, land rights, and social welfare. The author highlights a tension between India's role as a G-20 member and its internal needs as a developing economy with a large rural population and complex federal politics.

The report argues that global meat consumption, particularly beef, is a primary driver of tropical deforestation due to extreme land-use inefficiency. It highlights that beef uses about three-fifths of global agricultural land while providing less than 5% of global protein. The authors propose solutions including increasing livestock productivity on existing lands, shifting diets from beef to more land-efficient proteins like poultry or pork, and eliminating government subsidies that encourage forest clearing. The document also examines the role of corporate moratoriums and the environmental costs of confined animal feeding operations (CAFOs).

The Union of Concerned Scientists identifies systemic policy barriers that prevent U.S. farmers from increasing the production of fruits and vegetables. Current federal subsidies favor non-perishable commodity crops, while sustainable and diversified farms struggle with a lack of accessible crop insurance and credit. The report recommends eliminating planting restrictions, improving whole-farm-revenue insurance, and expanding micro-lending to support local food systems and public health.

The document examines the shift in global development dynamics, noting the rise of South–South co-operation (SSC) and the emergence of 'state capitalism', exemplified by China. It argues that while the diversification of partners offers opportunities, African nations must proactively define their developmental interests and improve negotiating capacity to avoid being exploited by rising powers seeking resources. The author recommends that Africa adopt transparency and accountability principles similar to those in North-South aid, utilize national and regional development strategies as frameworks for cooperation, and establish regional codes of conduct for investments, particularly regarding farmland and food security.

The Union of Concerned Scientists argues that U.S. agricultural policies currently favor an industrial model that prioritizes corporate profit over health and the environment. The brief highlights a significant disparity in subsidies, noting that corn and soybean growers receive over ten times the support of all fruit and vegetable growers combined. This system is linked to water pollution and high energy consumption, accounting for nearly 16 percent of total U.S. energy use. The authors propose transitioning to agroecology—a science-based approach utilizing crop rotations, cover cropping, and integrated livestock management—to create a more resilient and nutritious food system. Key policy recommendations include increasing investments in local food hubs, providing new incentives for organic production, and requiring conservation standards for farmers receiving federal subsidies.

The document examines the economic implications of increasing the United Kingdom's biofuel blending mandate from 4-5 per cent to 10-15 per cent to comply with the EU's Renewable Energy Directive. It investigates various cost drivers, including government administration of the Renewable Transport Fuel Obligation, agricultural subsidies under the CAPs Single Payment Scheme, potential tax revenue losses from biofuel exemptions, and increased consumer prices and engine damage.