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The report finds that while the May 2026 heatwave triggered a spike in media attention, coverage often lacked depth regarding the causes of climate change and structural adaptation solutions. Public broadcasters and specific press outlets like Le Monde and L'Humanité more consistently linked the event to global warming, whereas private channels like CNews and BFMTV frequently omitted this connection. The analysis highlights a preference for palliative adaptation measures, such as air conditioning, over structural solutions like urban greening or thermal renovation, and notes the emergence of climate disinformation narratives on certain platforms.

The report identifies 47 uncontested cases of climate disinformation on six German TV channels from April 2025 to April 2026, noting that both public and private broadcasters are vulnerable. Political figures and guests are the primary sources of this disinformation, with a significant portion of cases focusing on the economic and technical reliability of the energy transition.

The report identifies 47 unchallenged cases of climate misinformation across six German TV channels (Sat.1, ZDF, ProSieben, RTL, Das Erste, and Kabel Eins) from April 2025 to April 2026. It finds that misinformation is often reactive, peaking around political events like the 2025 federal elections and the 2026 Climate Action Programme. The most dominant narratives target the economic and technical reliability of the Energiewende, while others focus on nuclear energy inaccuracies and the deflection of national responsibility. Politicians and guests are the primary vectors, accounting for 70% of cases, though journalists and commentators also contribute nearly 30%. Both public (ZDF) and private (Sat.1) broadcasters show vulnerability, with ZDF's risk linked to political talk shows and Sat.1's to the loosely structured format of morning shows. The report recommends journalist training on obstruction mechanisms, real-time fact-checking for live panels, and the creation of an independent media observatory.

The document analyzes a 'cross-cutting disinformation network' involving corporations, the provincial government of Río Negro, and regional media to legitimize the Vaca Muerta Oil Sur (VMOS) project. It details how the repeal of Law 3308, which had protected the San Matías Gulf for over twenty years, paved the way for a 400 km pipeline and an oil port. The study identifies a pattern of 'Pink Slime' journalism, where newly created digital outlets with low organic reach use paid advertising to simulate social consensus and frame fossil fuel expansion as essential for regional development and public welfare, while omitting socio-environmental risks.

The document analyzes a coordinated communication strategy involving the Argentine government, YPF, and a network of newly created digital media outlets to legitimize the Vaca Muerta Oil Sur (VMOS) project. It argues that these actors use 'pink slime' tactics—creating low-impact local news sites funded by advertising—to frame fossil fuel expansion as essential for regional progress and employment while omitting environmental risks and legal controversies. The study highlights the derogation of Law 3308, which previously protected the Golfo San Matías, and the use of the RIGI framework to protect corporate interests for 30 years.

Erlend Eggen, leader of Klimakultur, criticizes NRK for presenting climate change as a series of observations and consequences—such as melting glaciers and heat records—without linking them to the root cause: fossil energy sources. He contrasts this with NRK's nature loss reporting, which explicitly identifies the political and systemic drivers of environmental destruction. Eggen asserts that by omitting the connection between Norwegian oil and gas production and global climate disasters, NRK's reporting becomes 'directionless' and suggests that the network adopt the standards of 'Covering Climate Now' to ensure both causes and consequences are reported.

This report by QuotaClimat examines how climate disinformation has moved from social media fringes into mainstream news outlets, particularly in France. It identifies structural vulnerabilities in the media industry—such as financial crises, the rise of 'infotainment', and a regulatory vacuum—that allow anti-science narratives to proliferate. The document argues that news media, despite their perceived credibility, often act as channels for disinformation through 'false balance' and selective framing. It concludes by advocating for a new legislative framework in France to mandate environmental coverage standards and strengthen the role of the regulator, Arcom.

The author analyzes 405 articles from The Economist published between January 2022 and July 2023, concluding that the publication's reporting aligns with a 'NATO Narrative' that portrays Russia as the sole aggressor. The analysis finds a heavy reliance on Western official sources and a systematic omission of 'Dissident Discourse' regarding NATO's eastward expansion and U.S. involvement in Ukraine. The document further argues that The Economist functions as part of the Anglo-American ruling elite, historically advocating for military intervention and 'war journalism' over 'peace journalism'.

The report finds that while only 5% of event-related local television segments provided climate change context, these segments reached over 17 million people across the 50 largest U.S. media markets. Audiences surged during extreme events, with local television viewership doubling in Orlando during Hurricane Ian and increasing 78% in Los Angeles during Tropical Storm Hilary. Extreme heat events, specifically the July 2023 heat streak in Phoenix, were most frequently linked to climate change, accounting for 48% of all climate-contextualized segments. Analysis of closed captioning shows that 96% of contextualized segments highlighted major impacts in categories such as health and safety, vulnerable communities, power supply, the economy, and travel disruption.

The document analyzes the ascent of the far right, highlighting its use of 'metapolitics' to shift cultural norms and its ability to capitalize on economic and social insecurities. It examines specific national contexts, such as Italy's media capture under Giorgia Meloni and the rise of Vlaams Belang in Flanders, while warning against 'conservative socialism' where left-wing parties adopt far-right rhetoric. The report concludes that defeating the far right requires a positive, inclusive vision of the future rather than mere imitation or moral condemnation.

The briefing details a coordinated effort by the fossil fuel industry, OPEC, and the UAE to derail fossil fuel phase-out efforts at COP28 through greenwashing, the promotion of unproven technologies like CCS, and the use of fake social media accounts and lobbyists. It highlights how these tactics influenced the Global Stocktake text to avoid direct calls for a phase-out, instead emphasizing 'zero and low emissions technologies'.

The document argues that media coverage of COP events often focuses disproportionately on failure and inefficiency while ignoring the influence of fossil fuel lobbies, the role of NGOs, and the historical tensions between developed and developing nations. It outlines the key objectives of COP 28, including the first global climate action stocktake and the operationalization of the loss and damage fund, and counters myths regarding the utility of COPs and the role of technological innovation in solving the climate crisis.

The report details a pattern of negative publicity surrounding CIM Group, focusing on tenant mistreatment in Virginia, DC, and Colorado; the gentrification of minority neighborhoods in Los Angeles and New York City; construction defects in luxury towers; and ethically questioned business ties to Donald Trump and Jared Kushner. It further highlights the resulting pressure on public pension funds, such as CalPERS, to divest from the firm due to these controversies and past allegations of bribery involving placement agents.

The document analyzes how media coverage of migration often relies on biased, superficial narratives that 'other' migrants or frame them as security threats. It advocates for a rights-based approach to communication, highlighting the role of digital technologies in supporting migrants while warning against corporate digital monopolies. Through case studies in Asia-Pacific, Nigeria, West Papua, and the Dominican Republic, it demonstrates the barriers migrants face in exercising their communication rights and provides specific ethical recommendations for journalists to foster more inclusive and accurate reporting.

The briefing argues that contemporary national populists in Europe employ a systematic strategy to capture the state by eroding liberal norms, dominating the information space, and subordinating the judiciary and civil service. By treating the government as a 'contractor' for a national majority, these movements justify the removal of institutional restraints to concentrate power in the executive. The author details a multi-stage assault involving 'trolling', 'building' parallel infrastructures, and 'automating' disinformation to create a facade of democracy while maintaining an effective monopoly on power.

The author argues that the European media business model is broken due to falling advertising revenues, the rise of algorithmic polarisation, and opaque ownership structures. This has led to a decline in rigorous investigative journalism and the rise of 'fake news' and state-sponsored disinformation. The text suggests that current technical and legal fixes are insufficient and that governments must provide financial support, such as grants and subsidies, to ethical, fact-based journalism to protect democratic norms.

The report finds that while MSIs like the APRM, OGP, and EITI produce significant research on governance, they remain largely unknown to the general public and are often perceived as esoteric, technical exercises for elites. A media monitoring survey from mid-2016 to mid-2017 showed that the EITI has the highest media footprint, followed by the OGP, with the APRM lagging behind. The authors argue that MSIs struggle with 'open-washing,' where governments join for publicity without intending to reform, and that their reports are often too long and technical for journalists to translate into public action. To increase impact, the report recommends that MSIs move beyond merely informing the public toward mobilizing citizens through strategic alliances with social movements, using local languages and radio, and adopting a more aggressive 'naming and shaming' approach for non-compliant members.

Climate Outreach criticizes the media's reliance on repetitive imagery—specifically negotiators and protesters—during UN climate conferences, arguing that this approach makes the issue seem remote and technocratic. The organization advocates for the adoption of a more diverse visual language that reflects the human impact of climate change to better engage the public.

The document consists of several articles analyzing how mainstream media often perpetuate negative stereotypes of Muslims and Islam, contributing to Islamophobia in Europe, North America, and New Zealand. It also discusses the erosion of democratic governance in India due to corruption and intolerance, and critiques the 'corporate village' of transnational media that marginalizes local cultures and restricts the 'right to communicate'.

The analysis argues that traditional media remained the primary source of election information during the 2014 European elections but failed to foster a 'European public' by prioritizing national politics over European issues. In Germany, the UK, and Spain, the author finds that media coverage was often biased or sensationalist, frequently granting disproportionate visibility to anti-European parties like UKIP and AfD while marginalizing others, such as the Greens. The report highlights a lack of prime-time transnational TV debates and suggests that economic pressures and political apathy have turned journalism into a consumer product rather than a public service.