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Reclaim Finance criticizes the Fonds de réserve pour les retraites (FRR) for its updated fossil fuel exclusion policy, asserting that it continues to support oil and gas expansion and lacks science-based criteria for selecting asset managers.

The World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) calls for a fundamental reassessment of the international development model, which it describes as a colonial project. Amidst declining foreign aid from the United States and Europe, WACC advocates for a 'post-aid world' centered on communication justice, democratic data ownership, and the prioritization of national actors and Indigenous knowledge over Northern agendas.

The document advocates for rooting climate loss and damage responses in international human rights law, emphasizing the right to remedy. It argues that the World Bank is unfit to lead the Loss and Damage Fund due to its continued fossil fuel investments and failure to provide reparations for project-related harms. The author recommends that the Loss and Damage Fund establish a 'firewall' from World Bank policies, implement independent grievance mechanisms, and prioritize grants-based finance over debt-creating loans, guided by the polluter pays principle.

The statement warns that transferring the management of the Rural Environmental Registry (CAR) to a ministry lacking technical-operational capacity threatens the integrity of Brazil's Forest Code and the sustainability of its agribusiness sector.

The document asserts that big business, a primary driver of biodiversity loss, has significantly increased its influence over the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF). It details how corporations use 'green-sounding' coalitions, revolving doors, and the infiltration of national delegations to promote ineffective, market-based solutions like 'Nature-Based Solutions' and 'Nature Positive' while avoiding regulation. The report highlights specific cases of biotech industry influence and the role of the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), which includes companies with poor environmental records. It concludes that corporate capture prevents the transformative change needed to stop species extinction and recommends strict limits on business participation in UN negotiations, including a ban on business representatives in national delegations and the end of corporate partnerships.

The report argues that large corporations, which are primary drivers of biodiversity loss, have systematically infiltrated the UN's Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) through lobbying, 'green' coalitions, and partnerships. It details how these entities use tactics such as inserting representatives into national delegations and promoting voluntary, market-based 'solutions' like 'nature-positive' concepts to avoid binding regulations. The document highlights the role of the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD) and biotechnology firms in manipulating processes and calls for a total separation of corporate interests from UN decision-making to achieve a 'transformative change' in biodiversity conservation.

Reclaim Finance expresses skepticism regarding Climate Finance Day 2022, arguing that major French banks and insurers are failing to align with scientific recommendations to end oil and gas expansion. While 15 investors have adopted exclusion policies, heavyweights like BNP Paribas and AXA are criticized for relying on decarbonization targets or limited exclusions rather than full exits from new fossil fuel projects.

SGR identifies several governance failures at the American Chemical Society (ACS), including a lack of environmental policy and transparency regarding investments. The organization demands that the ACS phase out financial ties to companies not aligned with the Paris Agreement's 2 goal, adopt fossil fuel-free indexes, and report its investment portfolio's carbon footprint. SGR cites a growing trend of divestment among other professional bodies, universities, and scientific organizations as a benchmark for these demands.

Juliane Schmidt advocates for the EU to transition from basic gender mainstreaming to a 'green feminist foreign policy' that employs an intersectional approach to address the gendered impacts of climate change, conflict, and natural disasters. The author critiques the European External Action Service (EEAS) for its male-dominated leadership and the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III) for lacking inclusive language and gender-responsive budgeting. The text suggests that the EU should follow the lead of pioneer countries like Sweden by implementing mandatory staff training, binding gender chapters in trade agreements, and systemic changes to institutional culture to ensure that women and marginalised groups are agents of change rather than mere beneficiaries.

The World Resources Institute critiques the World Bank Group's draft Climate Change Action Plan, asserting it falls short of the urgency required by the Paris Agreement. The briefing recommends that the World Bank Group implement a numeric emissions cap, phase out fossil fuel financing—specifically natural gas—and prioritize climate resilience through better project design and staffing. It further suggests improving climate finance reporting to measure actual impact rather than just financial inputs and providing more technical resources to low- and middle-income countries to help them develop projects that move beyond 'business-as-usual' development.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that the Department of Energy (DOE) under the Trump administration suppressed, delayed, or sidelined at least 46 clean energy studies from the Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy (EERE) and seven national labs. This was achieved through a two-tiered review system implemented in May 2018 by Daniel Simmons and Alex Fitzsimmons, which required political sign-off for 'Tier 1' research on politically sensitive topics, such as comparisons between fossil fuels and renewables. The report notes that this system led to at least 25 reports being delayed by over six months, a significant increase compared to the previous 16 years under the Bush and Obama administrations. The document asserts these actions violated the DOE's scientific integrity policy, which prohibits the suppression or alteration of scientific findings.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that USGS Director James Reilly edited the agency's operational manual to push climate models that ignore worst-case scenarios and limit projection timeframes. Internal reviewers and scientists claim this action violates scientific integrity policies, lacks peer review, and employs 'bad science' that could hamper the government's ability to respond to climate threats.

The statement condemns the Ministry of Agriculture's dismissal of Luis Alberto Gonzales-Zúñiga, the Executive Director of SERFOR, citing a lack of transparency and a breach of established procedures. The signatories argue that the removal occurred as SERFOR was improving timber traceability, which threatened stakeholders benefiting from illegal timber trade. They highlight that approximately 60% of Peruvian timber is of illegal origin and warn that this institutional crisis jeopardizes international agreements, including the Norway-Germany-Peru Agreement and the US-Peru Free Trade Agreement.

The document argues that the long-standing convention of appointing a European as IMF managing director and a US national as World Bank president is "undemocratic, illegitimate, and rooted in neo-colonial principles." The signatories call for a selection process based on merit and transparency, where candidates are not required to be supported by their home governments and the winner is chosen by a majority of both voting shares and member states. They further advocate for a public job description requiring candidates to be well-versed in the challenges of low- and middle-income countries and committed to international human rights law and the IMF's commitments to climate change, gender inequality, and social spending.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the CDM requires fundamental reform to address failures in human rights accountability, additionality testing, and sustainable development monitoring. Key recommendations include establishing a formal grievance mechanism, restricting technology eligibility to exclude fossil fuels, and introducing liability rules for Designated Operational Entities to prevent conflicts of interest.

The author contends that 'partial Europeanisation' has undermined national sovereignty without creating a functional European alternative, fueling populist movements. To resolve this, the document proposes a transition from a hybrid 'sui generis' entity to a sovereign European state with a monopoly on the use of force, a common budget of at least 15% of Eurozone GDP, and a fully democratised legislative process where the European Parliament holds the right of legislative initiative.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) requires fundamental reform to address systemic failures in human rights, additionality, and sustainable development. The organization recommends establishing a formal grievance mechanism, strengthening civil society participation, and introducing a 'negative list' of ineligible technologies to prevent the issuance of non-additional credits. It further proposes shortening crediting periods, reforming the CDM Executive Board's composition to prevent conflicts of interest, and introducing liability rules for Designated Operational Entities (DOEs) to ensure auditor independence.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) requires fundamental reform to remain viable after 2020, specifically to move beyond 'pure offsetting' and ensure human rights protections. The organization recommends establishing a formal grievance mechanism, strengthening civil society participation, and introducing stricter additionality testing to exclude high-emission technologies like coal. It also calls for the removal of conflicts of interest within the CDM Executive Board and the introduction of liability rules for Designated Operational Entities (DOEs) to prevent the issuance of non-additional credits.

The text examines the role of political ecology in promoting autonomy and 'plausible utopias' while critiquing the current state of European politics. The author highlights a 'monstrous complementarity' between conformist and extremist conservatism in Europe, which marginalizes progressive voices and limits the impact of green parties. Using the 2013 vote on the 2014-2020 multiannual financial framework as an example, the author illustrates how major parties (Conservatives, Socialists, and Liberals) often align on conservative budgets, leaving the Greens' opposition ineffective. The document concludes that the crisis of legitimacy in European and national institutions requires a fundamental rethinking of political parties, suggesting they become more permeable structures that prioritize democratic risk and ideological pluralism over rigid organizational traditions.

The text proposes a 'third pathway' for the EU that avoids both a federal state and renationalisation by integrating national and European parliaments and strengthening participatory democracy. It calls for a new Convention to redefine EU legislation and suggests that the European Parliament should have a suspensive veto to prevent the dominance of powerful member states like Germany. The author critiques current citizen engagement efforts as mere 'communication' and advocates for more substantive tools, such as citizen panels and consensual conferences, to ensure citizens have a genuine voice in decision-making.