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The document critiques the shift from biodiversity conservation to 'restoration' via financial markets, arguing that biodiversity offsets are conceptually flawed and practically ineffective. It asserts that these mechanisms often lead to net habitat loss and human rights abuses. The author contends that nature cannot be accurately valued monetarily and that the core concepts of 'price signals' and 'additionality' are invalid in this context. As an alternative, the report proposes binding conservation laws to restrict unsustainable economic activities and foster sustainable practices like agroecology.

The author critiques the IPSP's approach to media and communication, arguing that social progress cannot be measured without naming specific structural oppressions—such as white supremacy and heteropatriarchy—and applying an intersectional lens. The paper emphasizes that representation, ownership, and employment inequalities persist, and that online hate speech and state/corporate propaganda are critical threats. It advocates for 'design justice' in ICT development, the inclusion of free software, and the adoption of media policy proposals from social movements. The author proposes the creation of an 'intersectional Media Equity Index' using semi-automated tools to track progress across ownership, employment, and content production.

Friends of the Earth International expresses deep disappointment with the revised text of the UN's proposed binding treaty on transnational corporations. The organization argues that by expanding the scope to all companies rather than focusing on transnational corporations, the text ignores the power structures of parent companies and their supply chains. While acknowledging the inclusion of victims' rights, the group contends the document lacks international mechanisms to hold corporations accountable and fails to establish the supremacy of human rights over trade and investment agreements.

Friends of the Earth International expresses deep frustration with the July 16, 2019, Revised Draft of the UN Binding Treaty, claiming it dilutes the scope of the instrument by shifting focus from transnational corporations to all business activities. While the organization acknowledges the integration of victims' rights and human rights coverage, it argues the draft only sets obligations for States and fails to create international jurisdiction or direct obligations for corporations. The organization calls for a more ambitious text ahead of the October 2019 IGWG session to end corporate impunity and prioritize human rights over profit.

The World Resources Institute criticizes a Green Climate Fund (GCF) proposal that would require project proponents to separate 'climate' components from 'development' components to determine 'incremental cost' funding. The author contends that this approach oversimplifies the reality of developing countries, where adaptation and development are often inseparable, and risks excluding urgently needed projects from funding. The document further argues that the concept of a 'zero cost baseline' is unrealistic and that the proposal lacks transparency, leaving funding decisions to arbitrary Board negotiations.

The document outlines why leading environmental groups oppose the NAFTA 2.0 deal, citing its failure to prevent pollution offshoring, its continued support for fossil fuel dependency, and the preservation of corporate rights to challenge environmental regulations.

The policy brief advocates for agroecology as a resilient, low-emission alternative to industrial agriculture. It claims that agroecological systems better withstand extreme weather, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and improve the livelihoods of small-scale producers. The text warns against 'climate smart agriculture' (CSA), describing it as a tool for agribusiness corporations to maintain industrial production models without implementing necessary social or economic changes.

The Union of Concerned Scientists criticizes a directive from Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross that orders NOAA to prioritize water access for firefighting in California over the protection of endangered aquatic species. The document asserts that this policy is not grounded in scientific evidence, as state officials and firefighters report sufficient water availability. It further argues that the directive subverts the authority of state regulators and may be intended to favor agricultural interests over the recovery of species like the Chinook salmon and Delta smelt, while ignoring the role of climate change in increasing wildfire severity.

Dr. Ranajit (Ron) Sahu provides a critique of the revised Atmospheric Impact Report (AIR) for the proposed Thabametsi Power Plant, asserting that the revised document fails to address most technical deficiencies identified in a previous review of the April 2018 AIR.

The Trump Administration's Safe Affordable Fuel-Efficient (SAFE) Vehicles Rule loosens carbon emissions standards for passenger cars and light trucks for 2021-2026 and rolls back the Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) program. The author contends that these rules are detrimental to human health and the climate, and will likely fail to stop the global transition to a clean economy as international markets for combustion vehicles shrink and countries like Britain, France, Norway, India, and China move toward banning new gasoline and diesel vehicles by 2030 or 2040.

The document critiques the use of carbon offsetting within carbon pricing schemes, asserting that it allows entities to avoid genuine emission reductions. It highlights that while the EU has excluded international offsets for post-2020 domestic targets, Canada and China continue to support or allow them. The author specifically warns that the International Civil Aviation Organisation's (ICAO) planned sector-wide offsetting scheme risks using low-quality credits to bypass the polluter pays principle. Referencing a European Commission study, the text claims only 2% of UN Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects clearly reduce emissions.

Carbon Market Watch analyzes Sweden's aviation ticket tax, noting that while the industry opposes it, the tax is too low to reverse the rising trend of aviation emissions. The author argues that a significantly higher carbon price is necessary to either reduce flight demand or incentivize the development of electric aircraft technology.

The document responds to a commentary by David Roberts, arguing that while the social science of climate change communication contains uncertainties, it offers core principles and evidence-based building blocks that are superior to intuitive campaigning. It advocates for a stronger bridge between academics and practitioners and calls for more adventurous, applied research to move beyond limited lab-based studies toward systematic design and evaluation of real-world climate campaigns.

The author critiques the We-Fi initiative's potential reliance on 'economic instrumentalism,' warning that financial access cannot solve gender inequality if structural barriers—such as property laws and patriarchal social norms—remain unaddressed.

The policy brief critiques the proposed EU ETS revision, arguing that over-generous free allowances to industrial sectors—particularly the steel industry—create windfall profits and deprive the public of potential auctioning revenues. It recommends increasing the Linear Reduction Factor to 4.2% to align with Paris Agreement goals, establishing a Just Transition Fund for workers, and shifting toward full auctioning to fund low-carbon innovation and support citizens.

Scott Vaughan, President and CEO of IISD, critiques the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) model and the CETA agreement, advocating for a multilateral investment court and a shift toward investment models that align with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). He suggests that the WTO may not be the ideal venue for a new multilateral investment agreement due to its focus on disciplines rather than cooperation.

The policy brief critiques the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA) as an insufficient replacement for the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) regarding international aviation emissions. It argues that CORSIA's goal of "carbon neutral growth" allows for unlimited emissions growth and lacks the mandatory enforcement and transparency of the EU ETS. The author contends that exempting international flights from the EU ETS would undermine EU climate targets, potentially increasing the EU ETS surplus by 260 million tonnes and reducing emissions reductions by 710 Mt compared to a full-scope scenario. The brief recommends that the EU continue covering international flights, demand full transparency from ICAO's Committee on Aviation and Environmental Protection (CAEP), and end the free allocation of 85% of aviation allowances to fund decarbonization research and the Green Climate Fund.

The CBD Alliance describes biodiversity as being in a "state of emergency" and criticizes COP 13 for prioritizing business interests, financial gains, and trade over ecological protection. The statement highlights failures in risk assessment for synthetic biology, the promotion of unsustainable agriculture and tourism, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples and developing country delegations.

The statement warns that non-transparent land-use accounting in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) can allow countries to meet targets while carbon pollution increases. It highlights specific examples in Russia and New Zealand and advocates for separating land-use credits from other sectors to ensure the 1.5°C target is met through essential decarbonisation.

A joint submission by 20 organizations arguing that the Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) must avoid the systemic failures of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) by implementing strict human rights safeguards, ensuring a net decrease in global emissions, and establishing robust grievance and participation processes.