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The document analyzes the 2022 Global Biodiversity Framework, highlighting its recognition of indigenous rights and agroecology while criticizing its reliance on corporate self-reporting, 'sustainable intensification' in agriculture, and the implicit acceptance of biodiversity offsets (compensation). It urges civil society to use the framework's targets to pressure governments for stronger legislation and accountability.

The document analyzes the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), specifically Target 10 and Target 7, regarding their impact on agriculture. While it acknowledges the framework's commitment to sustainable management and the reduction of pesticide risks, it warns that terms like 'sustainable intensification' and 'innovative approaches' may be used by corporate lobbyists to promote biotechnology, GMOs, and synthetic biology. The author argues that the GBF lacks specific mandates to restrict harmful industrial agricultural practices and risks the financialization of nature through the concept of 'ecosystem services'.

The document analyzes the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), highlighting its recognition of Indigenous Peoples' rights and the goal to protect 30% of the world's land and sea. However, it criticizes the framework for relying on corporate self-reporting, lacking mandatory regulations for transnational corporations, and promoting 'sustainable intensification' in agriculture, which may favor biotech and agribusiness. It also warns that the GBF's approach to restoration and conservation may enable harmful offsetting practices and the 'financialisation of nature'.

The document analyzes Targets 14, 15, and 16 of the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF). It acknowledges the goal of integrating biodiversity into regulatory processes and reducing corporate impacts but criticizes the reliance on 'carrot' rather than 'stick' approaches. Specifically, it argues that self-reporting mechanisms like the Taskforce on Nature-related Financial Disclosures (TNFD) and corporate-led labelling facilitate greenwashing. The author highlights the omission of human rights from Target 15 and the absence of coherent international systems to regulate transnational corporations (TNCs), urging civil society to use the GBF to challenge inadequate national policies.

Carbon Market Watch criticizes the EU's Carbon Removal Certification Framework (CRCF) provisional deal, claiming it allows carbon removals and temporary storage to substitute for actual emission reductions. The organization warns that the framework enables double counting between voluntary markets and national climate policies, incentivizes short-term carbon storage that lacks long-term climate benefit, and employs insufficient sustainability criteria for biomass. While noting some positive inclusions like mandatory biodiversity co-benefits for carbon farming, CMW asserts the CRCF is a 'missed opportunity' that could deter climate action and calls for the deal to be rejected and rebooted.

Clean Creatives claims the Edelman Trust Barometer is compromised by the firm's ties to climate deniers and autocratic states, alleging that the data overstates trust in governments that are Edelman clients and contradicts the firm's public climate commitments.

The Center for Climate Integrity argues that TIME magazine's list of influential climate leaders erroneously includes fossil fuel executives, such as Sultan Al Jaber and representatives from ExxonMobil, thereby failing to recognize the industry as the cause of the climate emergency.

The briefing analyzes the communique from the 52nd Pacific Island Forum Leaders’ Meeting, noting the historic mention of a "Fossil Fuel Free Pacific" while criticizing qualifiers that weaken the commitment. It highlights the use of terms like "aspire" and "in our energy systems" as loopholes that allow countries, particularly Australia and New Zealand, to avoid committing to a phase-out of fossil fuel production. The document also criticizes Australia for using climate resilience funding and resettlement offers for Tuvalu to mask its continued support for fossil fuel companies and its pursuit of carbon dioxide dumping legislation.

The document defines REDD+ and traces its evolution from a UNFCCC results-based finance mechanism to the use of private standards like the Voluntary Carbon Standard (VCS) for generating tradable carbon credits. It asserts that REDD+ projects, primarily located in the Global South, frequently overestimate their climate impact due to methodological flexibility in baseline setting, leakage, and permanence. The author argues that biological carbon storage cannot fully offset fossil fuel emissions and calls for more stringent, science-aligned standards and alternative financial avenues for forest conservation.

The document outlines a proposal by the Swedish Development Research Network (SweDev) to the Swedish government, warning that recent funding cuts to Sida and university-based development research threaten Sweden's capacity to address global challenges like climate change and poverty. The authors call for a new national strategy and the creation of an excellence center for research on equitable global development.

The document contends that qualifiers such as "unabated" and "inefficient" in climate policies allow the fossil fuel industry to maintain production and profits despite the 1.5C goal. It asserts that there is no globally agreed definition for "unabated" fossil fuels and that carbon capture and storage (CCS) remains unproven at scale. Similarly, the term "inefficient" regarding subsidies is viewed as vague, contributing to a surge in fossil fuel subsidies to over 7 trillion USD in 2022. The briefing calls for unambiguous language focusing on the absolute decline of both production and emissions to align with the Paris Agreement.

The document critiques the implementation of the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in Indonesia, highlighting a lack of transparency in the Comprehensive Investment and Policy Plan (CIPP) and the persistence of 'false solutions' like coal co-firing and carbon capture. It argues that for a transition to be truly 'just,' it must incorporate four pillars of justice—recognition, distributive, procedural, and restorative—and specifically address the vulnerability of workers in the coal sector. The report recommends legally binding emission targets, the removal of 'take-or-pay' electricity contracts, and the decentralization of renewable energy development to empower local governments and communities.

The document asserts that media concentration and poor governance in France result in a lack of quality information on climate change, which the authors link to public health risks and a failure to uphold constitutional rights to environmental information.

Reclaim Finance criticizes the second phase of Climate Action 100+ (CA100+), stating that the coalition failed in its first phase to secure comprehensive net-zero targets or align corporate capital expenditure with 1.5°C goals. While welcoming new transparency requirements for lead investors, Reclaim Finance argues that the benchmark remains too focused on transparency rather than implementation and lacks systematic sanctions or exclusion mechanisms for non-compliant members and companies.

The author contends that the steel industry's exemption from the EU ETS benchmark reform, secured through lobbying—particularly by Germany—shields polluting installations from necessary price signals. While the sector faces high costs for transitioning to Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) technology, the document argues that free allowances do not bridge the investment gap and instead reduce the pressure to modernise. The author suggests that the ETS should make polluting more expensive to incentivise the shift to low-carbon steel, rather than serving as a protectionist tool.

Carbon Market Watch urges Verra to move away from the 'tonne-for-tonne' offsetting model, particularly for AFOLU projects, due to permanence risks and the potential for corporate greenwashing. The submission recommends adopting a 'contribution model' where finance supports climate action without claiming neutrality. It also calls for greater financial transparency regarding intermediaries, a more accessible and independent grievance mechanism for indigenous peoples and local communities, and the banning of methodologies that support fossil fuel infrastructure.

Carbon Market Watch (CMW) urges the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body to avoid shortcuts in developing recommendations for removal activities, emphasizing that temporary carbon storage should not be equated with permanent emission reductions. CMW argues that current forestry and land-use credits lack permanence, and that buffer pools are insufficient to manage reversal risks. The organization specifically opposes the inclusion of tonne-year accounting, claiming it creates a false equivalence between temporary storage and permanent removals, and criticizes the proposed definition of removals for including 'products' and 'processes' rather than focusing solely on outcomes.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) critiques the 2023 SONA for relying on private sector solutions for infrastructure and the energy transition, which it argues undermines state capacity and affordability. While welcoming the National State of Disaster for the energy crisis and the extension of the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant, the IEJ highlights failures in grant accessibility and the imbalance of the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JET-IP), where infrastructure receives 89.4% of funding compared to minimal allocations for skills and diversification. The IEJ calls for a radical shift toward a rights-centered development agenda, including the removal of Eskom's debt from its balance sheet and the implementation of a universal basic income grant.

One year after COP26, GFANZ has expanded to over 150 trillion USD in assets but faces criticism for uneven progress across its sectoral alliances and a weakened link to the Race to Zero campaign. The author contends that the alliance's reliance on voluntary carbon markets and vague targets—such as those from Vanguard and BMO Global Asset Manager—undermines its goals, urging leadership to 'name and shame' members who fail to align their portfolios with net zero emissions.

Carbon Market Watch analyzes a leaked draft of the EU's Carbon Removal Certification Framework (CRCF), warning that the proposal fails to define permanent storage, lacks liability rules for carbon reversals, and ignores social safeguards. While the author notes positive environmental sustainability objectives, they argue the framework risks certifying temporary removals as permanent and could allow agricultural emission reductions to be mislabeled as removals, potentially undermining EU climate targets.