Search Climate Insights Directory

Reclaim Finance calls on investors to vote against strategic resolutions at 2025 annual general meetings for major oil and gas companies, arguing that traditional shareholder engagement has failed to align these firms with a 1.5°C trajectory. The document highlights that 95% of oil and gas companies continue developing new projects and that some majors, such as BP, TotalEnergies, Eni, and Equinor, are increasing production or weakening climate targets. It advocates for using opposition votes as an effective lever to signal that climate priorities must be integrated into corporate strategy.

Reclaim Finance calls on investors to shift from ineffective shareholder engagement to voting against management-proposed resolutions at 2025 AGMs for oil and gas companies. The organization highlights that 95% of upstream oil and gas companies are developing new projects despite IPCC and IEA warnings that such expansion is incompatible with a 1.5°C world. It specifically notes that majors like BP, TotalEnergies, Eni, and Equinor are backtracking on climate commitments by planning production increases. The document asserts that current collaborative initiatives, such as Climate Action 100+, have failed to align corporate strategies with 1.5°C trajectories, making strategic voting a necessary lever to signal that climate must be an integral part of corporate strategy.

TotalEnergies is significantly expanding its oil and gas production and LNG export capacity in the United States, with production in the US expected to grow by 8.3% annually until 2030. This strategy includes developing fields in the Barnett Shale, Eagle Ford, and the Gulf of Mexico, as well as expanding the Cameron LNG terminal and building Rio Grande LNG. Reclaim Finance highlights that this expansion is supported by several European and US banks and investors, and warns that the Rio Grande LNG project alone could emit 191 million tons of CO2e annually while violating the rights of the Carrizo/Comecrudo tribe.

China is the world's largest coal producer and importer, with a significant shift toward large-scale and mega-scale mining operations. Despite climate goals, China is developing approximately 1,280 Mtpa of new coal capacity, nearly half of the global proposed pipeline. This expansion, concentrated in provinces like Inner Mongolia and Shanxi, drives massive methane emissions, with China's operating mines alone accounting for roughly 70% of global coal mine methane emissions from similar-sized operations. State-owned enterprises (SOEs) dominate the sector, controlling 40% of production capacity and contributing nearly 40% of the nation's coal mine methane emissions.

The report argues that 'Big Meat and Dairy' corporations employ strategies similar to those of the tobacco and fossil fuel industries to avoid environmental accountability. It identifies three primary tactics: distraction through greenwashing and targeting Gen Z; delaying action by promoting voluntary technical solutions over systemic dietary changes; and derailing legislation through political lobbying and 'revolving doors' between industry and government. The analysis covers 22 major corporations across four continents, finding that none meet UN integrity standards for climate goals. Specific case studies highlight how these tactics have weakened the EU's Green Deal and Farm to Fork strategy, influenced the US Inflation Reduction Act, and blocked agricultural emission regulations in New Zealand, Australia, Brazil, and Italy.

The report identifies a 'corporate playbook' used by the meat and dairy industry to avoid environmental regulation through three main tactics: distraction (greenwashing and funding biased science), procrastination (prioritizing advertising over low-carbon R&D), and dismantling (aggressive lobbying to weaken climate policies). It highlights how these strategies are applied globally, particularly in the EU, US, and Brazil, to maintain the status quo of animal agriculture.

The report argues that Blackstone, the largest landlord in the U.S., exploits the affordable housing shortage to maximize returns. In San Diego, Blackstone increased rents by 38% across 66 properties acquired in 2021, nearly double the market average. The document details Blackstone's use of RealPage's YieldStar software for rent setting, its financial contributions to defeat California rent control initiatives, and its shift toward resuming evictions after August 2022 to increase 'economic occupancy'.

Reclaim Finance argues that neither passive engagement nor complete divestment is sufficient to force oil and gas companies to align with the Paris Agreement. Instead, it advocates for a 'third way' where investors stop purchasing new bonds but retain shareholdings to vote against directors, manager remuneration, and dividends at 2024 annual general meetings. The organization highlights that 96% of oil and gas producing companies continue to open new fields and that record profits are being prioritized for shareholder remuneration over the energy transition.

The report highlights a critical loophole in financial sector policies where metallurgical coal is often excluded from coal phase-out commitments. Despite the IEA stating that existing mines can meet demand until 2050, 118 companies are planning new projects with a combined capacity of 406Mtpa. Between 2016 and June 2023, banks provided over $557 billion to 50 major metallurgical coal developers, with Japanese banks accounting for 29% of this support. The document identifies a lack of specific metallurgical coal policies among 100 analyzed financial institutions, with only five banks having such policies. It advocates for a total cessation of financial services for new projects and the adoption of a just transition plan for workers and communities.

Reclaim Finance advises investors to integrate climate criteria into their 2023 Annual General Meeting (AGM) votes. The briefing argues that 'Say on Climate' resolutions are often used for greenwashing and should be opposed if strategies are incomplete or misaligned with a 1.5°C scenario. It specifically calls for opposition to TotalEnergies' Say on Climate and support for shareholder resolutions at ENGIE and energy majors (TotalEnergies, BP, Shell, Chevron, and ExxonMobil) regarding Paris Agreement alignment. Additionally, it recommends using routine votes on director reappointment, executive remuneration, and financial statements to sanction a lack of climate ambition or risk disclosure.

The briefing finds that Nestlé's net-zero plan fails to meet any of the nine relevant recommendations from the UN Integrity Matters report, primarily due to a lack of specific methane targets and an over-reliance on regenerative agriculture. While Nestlé targets a 42% reduction in dairy and livestock emissions against a business-as-usual scenario, this represents only a 14% reduction from its 2018 baseline. The analysis estimates that Nestlé's methane emissions from cattle are roughly 8.7 million tonnes of CO2e, and notes that between 2018 and 2022, targeted GHG emissions dropped by only 1%.

The report details how the global production of nitrogen fertilizers has grown nearly ninefold since 1961, creating a systemic dependency on fossil gas. It argues that the agrochemical industry is collaborating with oil and gas companies to 'launder' fossil fuels through the promotion of blue hydrogen and blue ammonia paired with carbon capture and storage (CCS). The document asserts that these technologies are technically and economically infeasible for most uses and serve as a distraction to delay the phaseout of fossil fuels and industrial agriculture. It further highlights the environmental impacts of these chemicals, including the crossing of planetary boundaries related to nitrogen and phosphorus flows and chemical pollution.

The document details the rise of the institutional single-family rental (SFR) industry following the 2008 financial crisis, highlighting how private equity firms like Blackstone, Pretium Partners, and Cerberus Capital Management have acquired hundreds of thousands of homes. It argues that these firms outcompete individual homebuyers with cash offers and impose high rents and fees on tenants. The report provides evidence of widespread eviction filings during the COVID-19 pandemic, often targeting majority-Black communities, and documents systemic failures in property maintenance. It also critiques the National Rental Home Council (NRHC) as a lobbying tool for the industry's largest players and recommends legislative protections including rent caps, 'Just Cause' eviction laws, and beneficial ownership disclosure.

The report identifies 90 advertising and PR companies working for the fossil fuel industry, highlighting a conflict between the sustainability pledges of major holding companies and their continued representation of high-polluting clients. It details specific case studies of disinformation and lobbying efforts in the US, Australia, and the EU, while warning that the term 'Net Zero' is being used as a primary tool for greenwashing ahead of the 2021 Glasgow climate talks.

The report finds that the fashion industry, particularly the fast-fashion model, is heavily reliant on synthetic fibers derived from oil and gas, with such materials making up 69% of all textiles. Analysis of 46 brands and 12 online retailers reveals a widespread lack of transparency and the prevalence of 'greenwashing,' where brands use misleading claims about sustainability or rely on 'downcycling' PET bottles into clothing rather than implementing true fiber-to-fiber circularity. The study highlights that many 'sustainable' collections actually contain higher percentages of synthetic fibers than standard lines, and that the industry largely ignores the issue of microplastic pollution. The authors call for urgent EU legislation on extended producer responsibility and stricter regulations on environmental claims to break the industry's dependence on fossil fuels.

The document exposes how the plastic industry uses a 'playbook' of confusion, delay, and prevention to thwart progressive laws. It argues that voluntary commitments by major corporations are largely 'lip service' and that the industry actively lobbies against mandatory collection and reuse systems while promoting 'false solutions' like chemical recycling.

The report argues that major plastic polluters use voluntary initiatives as a 'smoke screen' to delay, distract, and derail progressive legislation. It analyzes the commitments of the ten largest plastic polluters and over 50 joint initiatives, finding them lacking in ambition, transparency, and accountability. The document details industry tactics such as shifting blame to consumers and promoting chemical recycling, while calling for mandatory legislation, including 90% collection targets and deposit return systems.

The report critiques the 'corporate capture' of agroecology by three major global initiatives: the Sustainable Agriculture Initiative (SAI), the New Vision for Agriculture (NVA), and the Coalition for Food, Land and Use (FOLU). It contends that these entities promote a version of 'junk agroecology' that focuses on 'sustainable intensification' and technological fixes—such as big data, blockchain, and genomic editing—rather than the holistic, social, and political transformation central to genuine agroecology. The authors argue that these initiatives aim to 'transform small farms into sustainable agro-industries' to integrate smallholders into global value chains controlled by multinationals, thereby maintaining systemic inequalities and the dominance of industrial agriculture.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that ExxonMobil funded a network of ideological organizations to deceive the public about global warming. By spending approximately $16 million between 1998 and 2005, the company promoted a small group of contrarian scientists and used 'information laundering' through front groups to create a false impression of scientific debate. The report details how these tactics mirror the tobacco industry's historical efforts to hide the links between smoking and disease. Furthermore, the document outlines ExxonMobil's influence on the George W. Bush administration, including the appointment of climate negotiators and the censorship of government scientific reports.

The report asserts that ten years after the first major GM crop plantings in 1996, these technologies have not reduced hunger or poverty and have instead increased pesticide use and corporate control over seeds. It highlights the dominance of Monsanto, Syngenta, and Bayer, noting that over 95% of commercial GM plants are limited to maize, soy, and cotton. The text details failures in various regions, including poor yields of GM sweet potatoes in Kenya and farmer debt in India, while accusing Monsanto of using corruption in Indonesia and aggressive legal tactics against farmers in the US.