Search Climate Insights Directory

The policy brief argues that peace agreements in the DRC, specifically the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and the Addis Ababa Framework Agreement (AAFA), reflect shifts in economic power between the eastern Kivus and the southern Katanga province. While early conflicts and the ICGLR were driven by the exploitation of coltan and other minerals in the east by Rwanda and Uganda, the subsequent rise of copper and cobalt investments in Katanga shifted geopolitical influence toward SADC states.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's efforts to relaunch its regional diplomacy under President Alassane Ouattara following two decades of instability. It highlights the country's economic strength as a primary asset and its goal to become an emerging economy by 2020. Key challenges include the need for security sector reform, national reconciliation, and the professionalization of its diplomatic corps to better align with the integration goals of ECOWAS and UEMOA.

The policy brief argues that Nigeria is experiencing a self-inflicted decline in its diplomatic standing within Africa. Despite being the continent's nominally largest economy as of May 2014, Nigeria's foreign policy is described as inchoate and ambiguous, hampered by a 'perverse hiatus' between its domestic ecology—marked by corruption and the Boko Haram insurgency—and its international ambitions. The author contends that Nigeria has lost its pre-eminence in Africa, failing to command respect even within ECOWAS and falling behind South Africa in governance and infrastructure. The document recommends that Nigeria prioritize domestic stability, clean government, and a recomposed social contract to restore its leadership role.

The document analyzes Kenya's regional diplomatic history, noting a traditional preference for cautious, pragmatic engagement over political leadership. It highlights a significant shift in approach with the military intervention in Somalia and discusses the complexities of Kenya's relations with South Africa and the East African Community. The author argues that Kenya often 'punches below its weight' and recommends a more strategic use of hard and soft power to enhance its regional leverage.

The document analyzes the complex relationship between China and Zimbabwe between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the partnership is rooted in China's support for ZANU during the liberation war and has evolved into a strategic alliance where Zimbabwe uses Chinese economic and diplomatic backing to weather Western sanctions. The paper details extensive Chinese investments in mining (particularly diamonds), agriculture, telecommunications, and infrastructure, while noting significant domestic opposition in Zimbabwe due to allegations of human rights abuses, environmental neglect, and the stifling of local businesses. It also explores China's role in shielding Zimbabwe from UN Security Council sanctions and its tactical engagement with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

The document argues that while foreign policy is primarily an executive function, South Africa's constitutional mandate for the rule of law makes it susceptible to judicial review. It details how civil society organizations, such as the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), have used actual and threatened litigation to challenge government decisions regarding torture in Zimbabwe, the appointment of a Sri Lankan diplomat, and the visit of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. The author notes that while courts are effective when international criminal law obligations are domesticated, they are less equipped to challenge broader political decisions. The paper also highlights a similar trend in Kenya, where courts ordered an arrest warrant for al-Bashir.

The paper explores the shift in African governance from a policy of 'non-interference' to a proactive 'good governance' approach, largely driven by international donor conditionality and the end of the Cold War. It analyzes the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a tool for African-led governance reform and the increasing, though inconsistent, role of civil society in these processes. The author concludes that while good governance is a desirable condition, there is limited empirical evidence to prove it is the ultimate prerequisite for sustainable development in Africa.

The document evaluates South Africa's reintegration into global affairs and its role as a leader for the African agenda. While acknowledging South Africa's success in joining platforms like the G-20 and BRICS and its significant economic investments in Africa, the author identifies a 'twin deficit': a lack of consistency between diplomatic actions and constitutional values (democracy and human rights), and a 'lone-wolf' approach that alienates regional partners. The brief recommends that Pretoria move away from a pragmatic 'do no harm' approach toward issue-based partnerships and institutional reforms within the Department of International Relations and Co-operation (DIRCO) to regain credibility as a trusted interlocutor in African conflicts.

The document examines Ethiopia's foreign policy under the EPRDF-led government, specifically the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS). It highlights Ethiopia's dominant role in regional peace and security, particularly through IGAD and UN/AU peacekeeping missions, while critiquing the mismatch between this strategic prominence and the allocation of diplomatic and financial resources. The author argues that Ethiopia's focus on internal stability and security has led to a 'sluggish' approach to economic diplomacy and regional integration.

The document examines the challenges facing state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa, highlighting how their proximity to state power often leads to politicised board appointments and regulatory failures. Using data from APRM reviews of six SADC countries, it argues that SOEs must be treated as professional companies, with merit-based appointments and clear legal mandates, to drive broader economic development and good corporate governance across the continent.

The paper examines the impact of Chinese resources-for-infrastructure (R4I) swaps on the 'resource curse' in Africa, specifically analyzing mechanisms like price volatility, Dutch disease, rent-seeking, and political conflict. Through case studies of countries such as Angola, the DRC, and Ghana, the author finds that R4I swaps are neither inherently harmful nor a panacea; their developmental impact depends on the capacity of host government institutions to manage risks and opportunities.

The document examines the transition of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Africa from simple philanthropy to a strategic, integrated business approach. Using data from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), it contrasts the 'first-generation' philanthropic approach seen in less developed economies like Lesotho, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia with the more 'second-generation' systematic approaches in South Africa and Mauritius. It highlights a gap between advanced conceptual frameworks and actual practice, noting that mandatory labour and environmental regulations are often ignored. The author argues for a 'third-generation' CSR model where businesses partner with society to solve overarching problems, while cautioning that CSR should remain fundamentally voluntary to avoid overburdening companies.

The document analyzes a growing trend among African leaders to prioritize 'traditional values' and 'sovereignty' over universal human rights, often using anti-imperialist rhetoric to shield themselves from accountability. It highlights the role of CSOs in fighting this regressive shift, specifically regarding LGBTI rights, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while noting that these organisations face increasing government harassment and restrictive legislation.

The policy brief examines the tension between national interests and human rights values in the foreign policies of emerging democracies like Brazil, India, Indonesia, and South Africa. While these states have collaborated with established democracies on specific crises in Myanmar, North Korea, and Libya, the author identifies significant cleavages driven by a preference for sovereignty, non-intervention, and economic interests. The document highlights how historical grievances against Northern hegemony and fear of reciprocal criticism of domestic records inhibit a consistent pro-human rights stance. However, it notes that transnational advocacy, the globalisation of media, and international mechanisms like the UN Human Rights Council provide pathways to pressure states toward greater accountability.

The policy brief examines the utility of peer review as a 'soft law' compliance mechanism, drawing on global examples like the WTO and OECD to suggest how African regional economic communities (RECs) could implement similar systems. It specifically proposes that the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), which currently focuses on national governance, could be supplemented with regional reviews to better track progress on monetary, trade, and investment integration.

This research paper analyzes the potential costs and benefits for Ethiopia of joining the COMESA Free Trade Area (FTA). It finds that Ethiopia's infant manufacturing sector is not yet competitive and that joining the FTA could increase net unemployment. However, it notes that Ethiopia is successfully expanding economic cooperation in energy and transport with neighbors such as Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti, and South Sudan, suggesting that bilateral relations may be more beneficial than formal trade liberalization.

The author contends that synthetic diamonds pose a greater threat to the mined diamond industry than 'blood diamonds', particularly for stones under 0.5 carats which make up 80-90% of the market. While the Kimberley Process (KP) has historically focused narrowly on conflict diamonds, the author suggests that expanding its scope to include human rights and the traceability of both rough and polished diamonds is essential. Without such a system to guarantee authenticity and ethics, the author warns that mined diamonds may lose their status as a store of value, mirroring the price collapse seen in the industrial diamond market.

The briefing examines the uncertainty surrounding the renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) by the US Congress. It outlines three scenarios: a full renewal for 40 eligible countries, a renewal that excludes South Africa, and a transition to a reciprocal trade agreement similar to EU Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). The author argues that a full renewal, extended for 10 to 15 years and coupled with infrastructure investment and export diversification, is the most beneficial path for both Africa and the United States.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.