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Corruption Watch and the Public Affairs Research Institute call for decisive leadership and civil society collaboration in the drafting of South Africa's Public Procurement Bill. The authors argue that the pandemic-related corruption and the legacy of state capture highlight critical weaknesses in the current system, which requires a radical overhaul to ensure transparency, accountability, and constitutional compliance.

The document argues that South Africa's local government fiscal framework is unsustainable because municipalities cannot raise sufficient own revenue to cover operating expenditures. This funding gap has led to financial distress for many municipalities and the erosion of the social wage, as affordable basic services for poor households are not maintained. The authors conclude that the original assumptions of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government are incorrect and call for a redesign of the local government structure based on empirical data regarding service costs and affordability.

The Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI) argues that South Africa's land reform programs have failed poor black women, leaving them marginalized and vulnerable. The letter highlights a stark gap between women's roles in the agricultural workforce and their actual land ownership, noting that this landlessness increases women's susceptibility to food insecurity and domestic violence, a situation worsened by the Covid-19 pandemic.

The report argues that South African municipalities are in a state of financial distress because the fiscal framework designed in the 1998 White Paper overestimated the ability of local governments to fund their operating expenditures through property rates and service charges. While the framework assumed 73% of operating costs could be covered by own revenue, the authors estimate the actual figure is likely less than 50%. This gap forces tariff increases that erode the 'social wage'—the state's strategy of providing affordable basic services to reduce poverty. The paper notes that good governance alone cannot solve this structural deficit, as even municipalities with clean audits often end the year in deficit. It further highlights that Eskom's direct supply of electricity to many households removes a key credit control tool for municipalities, hindering the collection of rates and taxes. The authors conclude that the system is fundamentally unsound and requires a complete redesign based on empirical data regarding service costs and household affordability.

The Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI) submitted recommendations on the draft Public Procurement Bill [B – 2020], arguing that public procurement is critical to South Africa's economy but currently suffers from systemic corruption and operational failure.

The GGT2030 plan targets the development of ten high-growth sectors in Gauteng through significant infrastructure investment, the establishment of Special Economic Zones (SEZs), and the digitalization of government services. Key goals include spending R60 billion on infrastructure by 2025 to create 100,000 jobs and investing R1.3 trillion by 2030 across water, energy, and transport sectors. The strategy emphasizes inclusive growth via township-based business support, the 'Welfare-to-Work' programme for 100,000 young women, and the creation of a 'silicon valley of Africa' through high-tech SEZs and universal broadband in townships.

A coalition of over twenty civil society organisations, the Civil Society Working Group on State Capture, has called on the Zondo Commission to adapt its operations during the COVID-19 pandemic. The group expresses concern over the lack of public information since the March 2020 lockdown and the potential for increased corruption through emergency procurement. They recommend the release of an interim report, the use of virtual platforms for hearings, and regular progress updates to ensure the Commission meets its March 2021 deadline.

A coalition of civil society organisations warns that the Covid-19 emergency increases the risk of corruption and supply chain failure in South Africa. They call for the government to involve civil society in monitoring, publish detailed expenditure reports for the R500-billion stimulus and Solidarity Fund, and utilize the Auditor General and the Special Investigating Unit to prevent the 'looting and capture' of emergency funds.

The document argues that South Africa's criminal justice system has been eroded by political manipulation and patronage, which has de-professionalised institutions and enabled impunity. It specifically examines the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), the South African Police Service (SAPS), the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID). The author contends that the current legal frameworks grant excessive discretionary power to the President and Ministers, blurring the political-administrative divide. To remedy this, the paper proposes the establishment of independent selection panels to recommend candidates based on objective, transparent criteria and the use of independent boards of enquiry for removals. It emphasizes that these reforms are necessary to restore the legitimacy and impartiality of the state's investigative and prosecutorial mandates.

The report identifies a crisis in South Africa's public procurement system characterized by high corruption, political interference, and operational inefficiency. It proposes seven key reforms, including the creation of a single regulatory authority, the adoption of a principles-based strategic procurement approach, and the introduction of 'qui tam' legal provisions to incentivize private enforcement of procurement laws.

The document proposes a structural shift in South African public personnel practices to insulate the administration from illicit political interference. It argues that while current laws formally exclude political criteria from appointments, in practice, political office-bearers manipulate the system to build patronage networks. To counter this, the paper suggests a four-stage appointment process—process planning, process administration, short listing, and appointment—where independent bodies (such as the Public Service Commission for the public service and new independent personnel committees for municipalities) act as a check on political power. The author advocates for an incremental 'covering in' mechanism to implement these reforms organ-of-state by organ-of-state to manage political resistance.

SAFTU criticizes the South African state's COVID-19 response as 'tokenistic,' arguing that the R12 billion stimulus (0.23% of GDP) is inadequate compared to global responses. The statement calls for emergency taxation of the rich, a Basic Income Grant, and the appropriation of private facilities for public use. It warns that a security-focused lockdown without adequate income security for informal and unemployed workers could lead to political catastrophe.

The document records a dialogue on the crisis facing South African State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), focusing on the need for clear mandates, financial sustainability, and the removal of political interference. Panelists and officials highlighted systemic failures in entities like Eskom, PRASA, and SAA, attributing their decline to state capture, corruption, and poor governance. Proposed solutions include rationalizing the number of SOEs, implementing forensic audits, adopting 'just transition' plans for energy, and strengthening the role of civil society in institutional oversight.

The authors contend that while the Public Procurement Bill seeks to create a coherent legal framework and expand preferential procurement for disadvantaged groups, it lacks a robust enforcement mechanism. They propose that the Bill should allow whistle-blowers to bring civil claims for the recovery of damages caused by procurement fraud and corruption, rewarding them with a percentage of the recovered funds. This is framed as a necessary measure given the struggling state of South Africa's criminal justice system and declining figures in corruption-related freezing orders.

A coalition of organisations and individuals supports the South African History Archive (SAHA) in a legal battle against the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) in the Bloemfontein Supreme Court of Appeal. The appeal seeks the release of records regarding apartheid-era economic crimes and challenges the SARB's refusal to comply with the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA). The signatories highlight the risk of a 'chilling effect' on civil society due to a High Court order requiring SAHA to pay R2.7 million in legal fees.

The Civil Society Working Group on State Capture provides a comprehensive roadmap for the South African state to address the systemic impacts of corruption. The submission focuses on five critical areas: strengthening criminal justice agencies, holding private-sector enablers accountable, reforming political party funding, protecting state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and safeguarding the rights of vulnerable groups. It emphasizes that state capture has caused severe human costs, including the erosion of basic rights to healthcare, education, and social security, and calls for urgent prosecutions and asset recovery to restore public trust.

The document describes a project by the Government Technical Advisory Centre (GTAC) to rationalise schools in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. It outlines the project's goals of improving education quality by closing small, unviable schools and reallocating students to better-resourced facilities. The text highlights historical challenges, such as non-compliance with the South African Schools Act and community distrust caused by inadequate scholar transport, and details the GTAC project's fourfold strategy involving data-based ten-year plans, capacity building for officials, standard operating procedures for legislative compliance, and improved stakeholder communication.

The document argues that South Africa's criminal justice system has suffered from significant political manipulation, corruption, and patronage, which have eroded public trust and professional standards. It specifically examines the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), the South African Police Service (SAPS), the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID). The paper identifies a lack of rigorous, transparent selection criteria and a dangerous reliance on executive discretion in appointments. To remedy this, it proposes the establishment of independent selection panels, the institutionalisation of 'fit and proper' criteria, and the creation of independent boards of enquiry for removals, ensuring that senior leadership is based on merit and integrity rather than political loyalty.

The position paper proposes a structural overhaul of how senior administrative officials are appointed and removed in South Africa to insulate the public service from unlawful political interference. It advocates for a four-stage generic appointment process—process planning, process administration, short listing, and appointment—to create a system of checks and balances. For the national and provincial public service, it suggests leveraging the Public Service Commission as an independent administrative check. For municipalities, it proposes the creation of independent personnel committees comprising professional associations and civil society. To ensure feasibility, the paper recommends a 'covering in' mechanism, allowing the President to incrementally apply these reforms to specific departments or municipalities via proclamation.

The document identifies a crisis in South African public procurement characterized by political interference, capacity deficits, and a fragmented legal regime. It proposes seven key reforms, including the creation of a single public procurement statute, the establishment of an insulated regulatory authority, and the introduction of 'qui tam' provisions to allow private citizens to enforce procurement law for a share of the recoveries.