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The report argues that South Africa's state is in crisis due to systemic corruption and patronage, which are enabled by the unchecked power of politicians over public administrative appointments and procurement. It proposes a 'path to professionalisation' through the creation of independent checks and balances, specifically by dividing appointment processes into stages managed by independent bodies like the Public Service Commission. For criminal justice institutions (NPA, SAPS, DPCI, IPID), it advocates for transparent selection panels to insulate leadership from political interference. Regarding public procurement, the report identifies a crisis of non-compliance and capacity, proposing a single coherent statute, a unified regulatory authority, and the introduction of 'qui tam' mechanisms to incentivise private citizens to report and sue for procurement fraud.

This research paper by the Public Affairs Research Institute identifies two critical gaps in South Africa's just transition discourse: an over-emphasis on energy generation at the expense of energy distribution, and a reactive focus on future transition-induced inequalities rather than existing systemic drivers of poverty.

The document examines how Covid-19 restrictions in Kenya disproportionately affected the informal sector, which comprises 83.6% of the employed population. It argues that a compromised fiscal social contract—characterized by poor healthcare delivery, corruption, and limited transparency—discourages tax compliance among informal workers. While the government implemented some tax reliefs, the authors contend that true fiscal legitimacy requires systemic reforms in accountability, access to fiscal information, and sustainable debt management to ensure an inclusive system.

The document identifies a critical gap in South Africa's 'just transition' framework, which the author describes as 'reactive' because it primarily addresses future losses in the coal sector. The paper proposes a 'proactive' approach termed 'just distribution,' focusing on the electricity distribution landscape. It argues that the current system—characterized by complex governance shared between Eskom and local municipalities—undermines poverty reduction goals. The author introduces a preliminary 'energy-society model' to map how drivers like local government fiscal models and governance gaps lead to adverse socioeconomic outcomes, such as energy poverty and the forced use of polluting substitutes, which are often more significant than the expected impacts of the low-carbon transition itself.

The paper examines how the Eastern Cape and Western Cape Provincial Education Departments (PEDs) managed the closure and reopening of schools during the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic. It identifies institutional coordination, the development of new capacities, and the critical role of teachers as the three primary factors facilitating the return to schools. The study highlights a contrast between the 'pragmatic managerialism' of the Western Cape and the historical challenges of political factionalism in the Eastern Cape, while noting that both provinces struggled with the digital divide and systemic teacher shortages.

A group of organisations expresses support for the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into State Capture and demands that former President Jacob Zuma appear before the Commission to account for his role in government corruption. The statement highlights specific areas of concern, including the Gupta family's influence on Cabinet appointments and the Russian nuclear deal, while condemning attempts to delegitimise the Commission's work.

This policy brief argues that corruption in public procurement is a significant barrier to South Africa's recovery from crisis, citing Covid-19 procurement scandals as evidence. It proposes a reform mechanism designed to encourage whistleblowing and facilitate the recovery of civil damages resulting from fraudulent transactions against the state.

Nigeria's response to Covid-19 was characterized by low reported death rates, potentially due to limited testing capacity, and a reliance on lockdowns that exacerbated poverty for low-income earners. The pandemic exposed critical weaknesses in the national health system, which had received funding below the 15% Abuja Declaration target, and highlighted the economic risk of the country's heavy dependence on oil revenue. To mitigate economic contraction, the government adjusted its oil benchmark price, secured a $3.4 billion IMF loan, and implemented various tax reliefs and intervention funds for small businesses and the healthcare sector.

The policy brief addresses the systemic corruption and lack of enforcement in South African public procurement, which accounted for 19.5% of GDP in 2017. It highlights the failure of existing oversight bodies, noting that corruption-related convictions of government officials declined to 183 in the 2020 financial year. To address this, the authors propose a 'qui tam' or encouraged whistleblowing system where private individuals are incentivized with a percentage of recovered damages to report fraudulent claims. This model, which recovered $44.7-billion for the US federal government since 1988, is suggested as a way to empower citizens and reduce the burden on under-resourced state prosecutors. The brief provides a specific legislative framework to be inserted into the Public Procurement Act, including provisions for double damages and tiered rewards for whistleblowers depending on whether the state adopts the legal action.

The paper argues that while the South African government showed increased responsiveness during the Covid-19 crisis, the pandemic exacerbated existing inequalities, food poverty, and state violence. It highlights a divide between a government-business coalition and a marginalized civil society, while noting that corruption in PPE and food relief procurement continued to undermine public trust.

The document examines the governance of Lephalale, a mining town in Limpopo, South Africa, arguing that the municipality's lack of land ownership and institutional capacity has allowed private mining interests, specifically Exxaro and Eskom, to maintain control over urban development. It highlights how the Medupi power station project exposed these weaknesses, leading to the creation of the Lephalale Development Forum (LDF), which the author describes as a parallel administration that prioritizes corporate interests over democratic spatial integration.

The research examines a period of extreme instability in the Mogalakwena Local Municipality following the violent return of ousted mayor Tlhalefi Mashamaite in November 2014. Using a Foucauldian framework, the author argues that the new leadership employed 'regimes of visibility, exclusion, and truth' to discipline and co-opt municipal officials who had been loyal to the previous municipal manager, Willy Kekana. The study details how techniques such as strategic surveillance, irregular HR practices, and forced public narratives were used to create a toxic environment of fear and uncertainty, effectively subjugating the professional bureaucracy to the new political regime.

The paper examines the persistent failure of South African municipalities to comply with financial and operational regulations despite increased oversight. It critiques the dominant 'capacity' and 'ethics' explanations for non-compliance, arguing instead that officials often follow 'uncodified rules'—such as political pressure, community loyalty, and personal survival—which they perceive as more appropriate or necessary than formal laws. Using ethnographic research, the author proposes the 'logics of appropriateness' framework to understand how institutional norms and multiple identities shape bureaucratic behaviour.

The research examines the role of 'paperwork powerplays' in the Mogalakwena Local Municipality, where opposing political factions used official reports, agendas, and forensic audits to legitimise their actions and delegitimise rivals. It highlights how the language of 'good governance' and the perceived objectivity of auditing firms like KPMG were weaponised to frame complex political feuds as binary struggles between integrity and corruption. The study concludes that documents serve as critical resources for state power and calls for greater public access to state archives to ensure democratic accountability.

The paper examines the gap between the de jure framework of decentralisation in South Africa and the practical realities in municipalities. It argues that while decentralisation aims to improve service delivery and accountability, it is often compromised by 'elite capture', capacity constraints, and the misuse of recentralisation mechanisms for political ends. Through case studies of Mogalakwena and Lephalale, the author demonstrates how provincial political battles and the legacy of private-sector 'company town' governance hinder the provision of basic public goods.

New Zealand successfully pursued an elimination strategy for Covid-19, declaring itself 'Covid Free' on June 8, 2020, by shifting from mitigation to a stringent suppression approach in late March. This success is attributed to the decisive leadership and communication of Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, reliance on expert scientific evidence, a centrally managed political structure, and high levels of public trust and social solidarity. The government prioritized health over economic interests, supporting this with wage packages and welfare to maintain compliance. The response also addressed historical distrust among Māori and sought to prevent the stigmatization of infected individuals.

The paper examines the UK's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, highlighting a lack of decisive government action, contradictory messaging, and failures in PPE procurement. It notes that while the public was largely compliant, trust was undermined by perceived double standards and the impact of long-term austerity on the NHS. The author argues that the pandemic exacerbated existing social inequalities, particularly for BAME groups, and converged with the political tensions of Brexit and the Black Lives Matter movement.

The author describes Tanzania's Covid-19 response as being characterized by a shift from initial preventive measures to a state of denial led by President John Magufuli. While the government initially formed a National Task Force and applied disaster management guidelines, it later revoked restrictions, declared the country 'coronavirus-free' in June 2020, and promoted unproven home remedies. The document highlights a lack of transparency, with the government failing to meet World Health Organization requests for data and suppressing media and opposition critics who called for lockdowns and scientific consultation.

The paper argues that Bolivia's response to Covid-19 was undermined by a deep political crisis following the disputed exit of Evo Morales and the installation of an interim government under Jeanine Áñez. This lack of legitimacy led to a deadlock between the executive and the MAS-led legislature, resulting in the failure to secure IMF loans, disputes over the legality of emergency powers, and the repeated postponement of elections. Public trust further eroded due to corruption in medical procurement and the perceived selective application of quarantine measures, leading to widespread protests and a perception that the pandemic was being politicized for electoral gain.

The author contends that the Indian government's response to Covid-19 was characterized by a lack of preparedness, the scapegoating of the Muslim community, and a sudden lockdown that stranded millions of migrant workers. The text asserts that the state leveraged the crisis to arrest activists, create a non-transparent relief fund (PM-CARES), and weaken environmental regulations through the Environment Impact Assessment Draft 2020 to favor private capital.