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The document supports the introduction of the Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ) in London to combat illegal air pollution, which is primarily caused by road transport and diesel vehicles. It highlights the severe health impacts on children, including reduced lung capacity and increased risk of asthma, and notes that ULEZ could bring London's air within legal limits by 2025. The author criticizes the UK government for failing to hold car manufacturers accountable or provide sufficient financial support for low-income drivers to switch to cleaner vehicles, contrasting this with actions taken in Germany.

The statement argues that current UNCITRAL discussions are too narrow, focusing on procedural aspects and appeal mechanisms like the MIC. The authors call for a systemic reform that addresses the asymmetry of the ISDS system, its relationship with national courts, and the phenomenon of regulatory chill.

The document evaluates the EU's proposed Multilateral Investment Court (MIC) as a replacement for ad hoc investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms. ClientEarth argues that the MIC provides only cosmetic procedural improvements and fails to address systemic imbalances, such as the lack of investor obligations and the marginalization of domestic courts. The briefing provides six key recommendations for reform, including the requirement to exhaust local remedies, the inclusion of 'clean hands' and 'supremacy' clauses to protect public interest legislation, and the limitation of compensation to proven economic damages. Alternatively, the document suggests that states should withdraw consent from ISDS and terminate international investment agreements (IIAs) in favor of domestic judiciaries, political risk insurance, and state-to-state dispute settlement.

ClientEarth argues that Lloyd's of London's current risk management is inadequate regarding coal assets, noting that its Coal Exclusion Policy only covers 2.5% of assets. The letter highlights the Carmichael coalmine as a high-risk project due to potential stranded asset risks and a lack of a 'social licence to operate', which could lead to significant insurance claims. ClientEarth asserts that continuing to enable coal undermines the insurance business model by fueling climate-driven natural catastrophes, and calls for public disclosure of risk management criteria.

The report analyzes the legal landscape for RES prosumers and renewable energy communities (REComs) in the EU and nine Member States: Belgium/Flanders, Croatia, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. It finds a significant gap between recent EU-level efforts to promote active citizen participation—such as the RED II and the draft recast Electricity Directive—and the diverse, often restrictive, national laws. While some countries like Germany and France have more advanced frameworks, others like Portugal and Belgium/Flanders face substantial regulatory barriers, including the lack of legal definitions for energy communities and restrictions on peer-to-peer energy sharing. The report concludes that EU legislation is likely to drive national policy changes toward more progressive, citizen-centered energy models.

The document analyzes the scale of plastic pollution in China, noting that China's 2017 plastic production was approximately 75 million tons. It details the EU's comprehensive approach, including the Waste Framework Directive and the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive, which utilize Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) to shift financial and operational burdens to producers. The paper highlights EU targets under 'Plastics 2030' to make all plastic packaging reusable or recyclable by 2030. It concludes by recommending that China upgrade its legal systems, adopt whole-process management from production to disposal, and cooperate with the EU on transboundary waste treatment and global governance.

The document outlines Poland's implementation of the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) through the Forestry Law (Ustawa o lasach), detailing the role of regional inspectors for environmental protection as the Competent Authority. It specifies administrative fines for illegal timber placement and due diligence failures, ranging from 5,000 PLN to 500,000 PLN, and notes that criminal sanctions for illegal logging can include up to 5 years imprisonment. Enforcement data shows 100 checks in 2016, 115 in 2017, and 80 between January and September 2018. The brief highlights strengths in customs cooperation and weaknesses regarding the requirement to prove intent in criminal cases and the mandatory withdrawal of sanctions if violations were unpreventable.

The document outlines the legal obligations of 38 local authorities in England and Wales to address illegal nitrogen dioxide levels. It details a three-part legal test from High Court judgments requiring plans to achieve compliance as soon as possible, reduce human exposure quickly, and ensure compliance is likely rather than just possible. It emphasizes that cost and political difficulties, including election Purdah, are not lawful reasons for delay, and that these duties persist despite Brexit.

A joint letter from NGOs arguing that subsidies for the extraordinary and permanent cessation of fishing activities are harmful, difficult to control, and often fail to reduce fishing capacity, potentially rewarding overfishing instead.

The document serves as a reference list of legal precedents and compliance findings related to access to justice. It categorises these by the issuing body: the Court of Justice of the EU, the General Court, and the Aarhus Convention Compliance Committee (ACCC). The listed cases cover a wide range of legal issues, including the definition of "individual concern," standing for NGOs, the standard of review under the EIA and Habitats Directives, and the compliance of the Aarhus Regulation with the Aarhus Convention.

The document argues that Advocate General Bot's opinion on CETA's investment court system (ICS) is flawed and overly politicized, contradicting established European Court of Justice (ECJ) case law. It contends that the ICS undermines the EU's judicial autonomy and fails to account for the 'regulatory chill' that investor protection mechanisms can impose on public interest measures.

The document argues that the current European Maritime and Fisheries Fund (EMFF) primarily supports fishing economic activity rather than environmental protection. It cites severe degradation in EU seas, including plastic pollution and overfishing, and demands that at least 25% of the post-2020 EMFF budget per Member State be dedicated to marine restoration and protection, totaling at least 1.5 billion Euros.

The European Court of Human Rights ruled in Cordella and Others v. Italy that the Italian government violated the rights of residents in Taranto by failing to address toxic emissions from the Ilva steel plant and failing to provide an effective legal remedy for environmental decontamination.

The report identifies ten 'building blocks' for enabling community forestry laws, emphasizing the need for secure tenure, simple allocation processes, and inclusive governance. Through case studies of Nepal, the Philippines, and Tanzania, it argues that legal frameworks should be supportive rather than restrictive, iterative in design, and coherent across multiple sectors to ensure sustainable forest management and improved local livelihoods.

A group of NGOs urges MEPs to reject the political agreement on the Western Waters Multi-Annual Plan, claiming it fails to ensure sustainable management for all stocks, allows fishing mortality above sustainable levels, and lacks necessary ecosystem-based management measures.

ClientEarth informs the European Commission that Germany risks failing to achieve the climate objectives of its 'lignite reserve' measure, which was approved under State Aid Decision SA.42536. The measure aimed to reduce CO2 emissions by 12.5 million tonnes by 2020 through the mothballing and closure of lignite-fired power plant blocks in exchange for EUR 1.6 billion in compensation. ClientEarth notes that the German government missed two legal deadlines: the June 2018 deadline for assessing CO2 savings and the December 31, 2018, deadline for agreeing on additional measures. Citing a draft Climate Protection Report 2018, the letter states that preliminary assessments suggest the measure will only save approximately 11.5 million tonnes of CO2, leaving a gap of one million tonnes.

The CJEU ruled on 13 December (2018) that cities such as Brussels, Paris, and Madrid have standing under Article 263 TFEU to challenge EU regulations if those regulations prevent them from exercising their regulatory powers. In this case, the cities successfully challenged the 'conformity factor' in Commission Regulation 2016/646, which had relaxed the Euro 6 emissions standard. The court found that the regulation restricted the cities' ability to ban vehicles that met the relaxed standard but exceeded stricter emission limits. This decision is framed as a landmark for access to justice, potentially allowing cities to act as environmental watchdogs and challenge other EU measures, such as the authorization of glyphosate.

ClientEarth criticizes the UK government's proposal to continue operating parts of the Capacity Market (CM) during a European Commission (EC) State aid investigation. The organization argues that the government has not provided sufficient information on the legal and commercial risks if the EC rejects the scheme. ClientEarth highlights evidence from Ofgem suggesting that the UK's security of supply has been maintained at a higher cost to consumers than necessary due to overestimated capacity gaps. The response calls for a fundamental reassessment of whether the CM is still justified, urging a transition toward a technology-neutral, low-carbon energy system that prioritizes demand-side response and storage over long-term contracts for conventional generators.

A joint position paper by NGOs urging EU legislators to reform the post-2020 European Maritime and Fisheries Fund (EMFF). The authors argue that the fund should shift from financing direct economic activity and capacity-increasing subsidies toward a results-based approach that prioritizes marine biodiversity, strict fisheries control, and a sustainable blue economy.

The analysis argues that EUSIPA perpetuates the flaws of old-generation Bilateral Investment Treaties by providing vague investor protections and a biased dispute settlement system that lacks sufficient judicial independence and fails to prioritize public interest over investment claims.