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This research paper analyzes the Companies and Intellectual Property Registration Office (CIPRO) in South Africa as a case study of the failures associated with the adoption of New Public Management (NPM) principles. The author argues that CIPRO's vulnerability to corruption and mismanagement was not merely a result of poor leadership, but stemmed from fundamental design flaws caused by the South African government's ambivalence toward NPM—attempting to use its business-like tools while refusing to relinquish central political control.

The briefing examines South Africa's refusal to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) despite the country's resource wealth and the potential for it to serve as a regional leadership model. It notes that while the South African government believes existing regulations are sufficient, the country's absence from the EITI may undermine the initiative's value for other African nations. The document also discusses the impact of the US Dodd-Frank Act's disclosure requirements for listed mining companies and suggests South Africa adopt similar legislation to improve transparency for its companies operating across the continent.

A coalition of environmental NGOs argues that the JSE's SRI Index is 'fatally flawed' because it includes companies that are 'serious and serial offenders' of environmental legislation. The letter provides evidence from National Environmental Compliance and Enforcement Reports (NECERs) and government reports showing that several listed companies—including Exxaro Resources, Arcelor Mittal South Africa, and Sasol—have committed criminal offences related to air emissions, waste disposal, and water use licenses. The NGOs call for the JSE to revise its criteria to explicitly require legal compliance and strengthen its verification methods.

The PAIA Civil Society Network reports that the implementation of the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) in South Africa remains hindered by poor records management, inadequate training of information officers, and a lack of responsiveness. Analysis of 111 requests shows that only 34% resulted in a full release of information, and only 21% were responded to within the statutory 30-day timeframe. The report highlights a particular lack of awareness and accountability within the private sector and argues that the absence of an independent Information Commissioner makes legal recourse too expensive for most civil society organisations. Additionally, the report warns that the proposed Protection of Information Bill threatens open governance through broad definitions of 'national interest', severe criminal penalties for releasing classified information, and a lack of independent oversight.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of social accountability in Africa, defining it as a framework for citizens to demand and enforce accountability from power-holders. It combines a broad analysis of public attitudes via Afrobarometer data with specific case studies from South Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Malawi, Mozambique, and Madagascar. The text examines various tools—such as the Local Governance Barometer, budget monitoring, and the African Peer Review Mechanism—and highlights the critical role of political will, media engagement, and the necessity of an enabling legal environment for these initiatives to succeed.

This research paper discusses the necessity of integrating governance education into African universities to support national and continental development, noting a disconnect between the recognized importance of good governance and the current state of higher education infrastructure and policy focus.

The document examines the crisis facing higher education in Africa, characterized by overcrowding and resource scarcity, and argues that governance education is neglected in favor of technical training. It presents findings from a 2008-2009 study of eight universities, highlighting severe constraints in staffing, funding, and infrastructure. The author proposes regional cooperation and the use of ICT to overcome these barriers and better align university output with the goals of the African Union and the African Peer Review Mechanism.

The research paper argues that good governance is a prerequisite for economic development and that African universities are essential for producing competent governors. However, it finds that these institutions are plagued by declining resources, outdated curricula, and political interference. The author suggests a shift toward regional cooperation, distance learning, and the adoption of an 'African agenda' to overcome national resource constraints and improve the relevance of governance education.

The author contends that Africa Day 2008 must move beyond diplomatic celebrations to address systemic governance issues, citing the failure of governments to act on warnings from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the persistence of long-term dictatorships. The text highlights specific regional instabilities, including post-electoral violence in Kenya and xenophobia in South Africa, while questioning the accountability of the APRM administration and the ability of current leadership to protect the continent from poverty, war, and climate change.

The research paper analyzes the May 2008 violence in South African townships, which left approximately 62 people dead and 670 injured. It attributes the unrest to a 'tipping-point' where the effects of a global economic crunch—specifically rising food prices and inflation—collided with high domestic unemployment (approximately 36%) and a lack of coherent immigration and refugee policies. The author highlights the impact of 3 million to 5 million illegal immigrants, largely driven by the crisis in Zimbabwe, and notes that government corruption in the department of home affairs allowed some undocumented migrants to access state grants and housing. The paper concludes that the violence is a warning sign of the blurred lines between internal and external policy, urging the government to address poverty, adopt international best practices for refugees, and stabilize neighboring countries like Zimbabwe.

The document details the efforts of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to influence South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process between 2004 and 2008. It argues that the South African government attempted to control the process by excluding specialist NGOs, staffing the National Governing Council (NGC) with government officials, and conducting final drafting of the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) and Programme of Action (POA) behind closed doors. Despite these obstacles, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final binding POA, although the authors note that many of their specific detailed recommendations were omitted.

The report details the struggle of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) to integrate transparency and anti-corruption safeguards into South Africa's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process. Despite facing government attempts to control the process and exclude specialized NGOs, ODAC successfully lobbied for the inclusion of access to information and whistleblower protection in the final Plan of Action (PA). The document highlights systemic issues in the South African process, including the over-representation of government officials in the National Governance Council and the opaque nature of final document revisions.

The paper examines the nexus between migration and human security, focusing on the vulnerabilities of undocumented Zimbabweans in South Africa. It identifies push factors in Zimbabwe, such as economic collapse and political repression, and pull factors in South Africa, including economic prosperity. The author argues that the lack of legal documentation renders migrants susceptible to employment exploitation, inadequate shelter, and physical abuse in detention centres. The document also discusses the SADC Protocol on the Facilitation of Movement of Persons as a potential mechanism to reduce illegal migration and improve human security, while noting institutional failures in both Zimbabwe and South Africa that perpetuate the current crisis.

Africa faces a severe road infrastructure crisis, with 90% of passengers and freight relying on tarmac that is frequently neglected due to budget deficits and diverted funds. The World Bank estimates the annual cost of this neglect at $1.2 billion in lost productivity, with nearly a third of the $150 billion invested in roads by the late 1980s already lost. While some countries like South Africa and Kenya are exploring private sector concessions, tolls, and Chinese financing, challenges such as low traffic volumes in Malawi and the high cost of vehicle overloading persist.

The document analyzes South Africa's land reform efforts, focusing on redistribution, restitution, and tenure reform. It highlights the Mataffin Farm in Nelspruit as a successful model where white owners and black claimants collaborated to ensure agricultural productivity during the transfer. However, it contrasts this with broader systemic failures, including slow implementation, budget constraints, and violent rural conflict. The text discusses the tension between the government's goal to transfer 30% of white-owned land by 2015 and the reality of only 3% being transferred. It also addresses fears that South Africa might mirror Zimbabwe's economic collapse due to land grabs, while emphasizing that post-settlement support and managerial training are critical to preventing agricultural failure.

The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The paper examines how the rapid increase in global HIV/AIDS funding creates opportunities for graft and misappropriation, particularly in low-income regions. It highlights cases of fraud in South Africa and Kenya, while discussing the tension between the need for strict financial controls and the limited administrative capacity of grassroots organisations. The author suggests that intermediary organisations may provide a viable model for ensuring accountability while supporting small-scale community responses.

The report details a scoping workshop held in Johannesburg in October 2010 to launch the APRM Monitoring Project (AMP). The project seeks to empower civil society organisations (CSOs) in Southern Africa to track the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoA) through the APRM Monitoring & Advocacy Template (AMAT). The workshop identified challenges such as limited CSO resources, low public visibility of the APRM, and the need for collaborative rather than antagonistic relationships with governments. Lessons from Uganda's NGO Forum highlighted the value of aligning APRM monitoring with existing governance networks. The workshop concluded with a consensus on the need for an independent, inclusive, and grassroots-oriented review process.

Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, National Director of SAIIA, welcomes participants to the Korea Africa Forum Intersessional Meeting in Johannesburg. She highlights the importance of the growing economic relationship between Korea and Africa, noting that Korea can share lessons from its rapid growth while Africa provides resources necessary for Korean industrial production.

The report assesses the transition of former UNITA soldiers into civilian life following the 2002 Luena Memorandum of Understanding. Through surveys of 603 ex-combatants, it finds that while most feel welcomed by their communities and intend to participate in democratic elections, significant challenges remain. Economic vulnerability is high, with a heavy reliance on humanitarian food aid and a lack of formal employment due to low education levels. The study highlights a persistent 'demobilised' identity among many, particularly those of higher military rank or those without land access. It argues that reintegration is deeply tied to land ownership, family networks, and the influence of traditional authorities (Sobas), while noting that the vulnerability of ex-combatants is largely similar to that of other displaced populations in Angola.