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The policy brief outlines three critical benchmarks for 1.5 °C-aligned NDCs: tripling renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency by 2030, phasing out new fossil fuel projects with production declines of 65-95% by 2050, and eliminating fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 for G7 nations and 2030 for others. It highlights a significant 'production gap' where major producers plan to increase output despite climate imperatives. The authors recommend that new NDCs include quantitative phase-out targets, commitments to no new exploration licenses, and national roadmaps for subsidy reform that prioritize social protection and clean energy investment.

CAPE advocates for a rapid transition away from fossil fuels, citing severe health impacts from fracking and oil sands, the failure of industry-led emissions reductions, and the necessity of Indigenous reconciliation in climate action.

CIEL expresses concern over Donald Trump's reelection, citing his pledges to reverse climate regulations and expand fossil fuel production. The organization commits to resisting these 'regressive plans' by building alliances, defending the rule of law, and protecting the right to a healthy environment globally.

The author contends that hosting COP29 in Azerbaijan—a country with an authoritarian regime and a growing fossil fuel industry—threatens the summit's potential for real change. The text highlights Azerbaijan's lack of net-zero targets, its expansion of gas production, and its poor human rights record, including the detention of environmental activists. It also criticizes the European Union for increasing gas imports from Azerbaijan, which the author claims bolsters the regime's power. Finally, the document calls for the UN to reform the COP host selection process by introducing mandatory climate action and human rights requirements.

The IISD welcomes Canada's draft regulations for an oil and gas pollution cap, noting that the sector accounts for 31% of Canada's total emissions. While supporting the cap-and-trade system to drive decarbonization and net-zero goals by 2050, the IISD warns that a proposed 'decarbonization program' could lead to double-counting of emissions reductions. The organization advocates for the continued exclusion of international carbon offsets and the use of only real, additional, and verifiable domestic offsets.

The report highlights that G20 fossil fuel reserves contain over a trillion tons of CO2 equivalent, which would exceed the 2ºC carbon budget if fully extracted. It notes that emissions from G20 fossil fuel extraction nearly doubled between the 1992 Rio Summit and 2020. Despite this, the document argues that G20 economies have become less dependent on fossil fuel rents over the last three decades, making them better equipped to transition. It specifically identifies the USA, Canada, Australia, the UK, Germany, and Italy as being best placed to transition first and fastest.

The document asserts that Canada's oil and gas sector emissions, which comprise nearly one-third of the national total, are rising and threaten climate commitments. While supporting the proposed emissions cap, the brief warns that a 25 Mt cushion of 'compliance flexibilities'—specifically the Decarbonization Fund and internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (ITMOs)—may allow firms to emit more without real reductions. It further cautions that domestic offsets should only be used if they are permanent and additional.

Reclaim Finance contends that the Capital Markets Union (CMU), as currently proposed, will not solve the EU's climate funding gap. The organization argues that the CMU's broad approach would benefit all sectors, including polluting industries, while simultaneously weakening prudential standards and supervisory mandates. Specifically, the document warns that the increased use of securitization under the CMU could facilitate lending to high-carbon activities and obscure associated risks unless strict 'green' definitions and barriers against fossil fuel financing are implemented.

The report finds that Australia, Canada, and the UK (the "Big Three") have historically and currently dominated fossil fuel extraction emissions within the Commonwealth. While these wealthy nations have the highest emissions, they are the least economically dependent on fossil fuel rents. In contrast, lower- and middle-income countries like Nigeria and Papua New Guinea are more exposed to financial risks from carbon liabilities. The report concludes that Commonwealth production plans are inconsistent with the 1.5°C goal, with the Big Three's share of the gap between Business as Usual and Net Zero scenarios exceeding 50%.

The document examines the proposed regulatory framework to cap GHG emissions in Canada's oil and gas sector. It argues that existing carbon pricing is insufficient to incentivize decarbonization, as profit margins for production remain higher than those for emissions reductions. While the cap is deemed necessary for Canada to meet its Paris Agreement goals, the author warns that a 25-million-tonne 'compliance flexibility' cushion—comprising a Decarbonization Fund, domestic offsets, and Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs)—could dilute the cap's impact by up to 25%. The brief specifically cautions against the use of ITMOs for LNG exports, citing risks of double counting, lack of additionality, and potential fossil fuel subsidies.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE) asserts that reconciliation is a collective national responsibility, emphasizing that environmental and health outcomes depend on justice for Indigenous and racialized people. CAPE is implementing this through internal decolonization, the launch of an Indigenous Caucus on October 1st, and partnerships like the Place-Based Power Project, which addresses health and climate impacts from fossil fuel extraction in Northern BC, Alberta, and the Northwest Territories. The organization also advocated for Bill C-226 and updates to the Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA) to recognize the right to a healthy environment and address disproportionate exposures on Indigenous lands.

The report highlights the critical role of methane mitigation in Nigeria's oil and gas sector, noting that methane has over 80 times the global warming potential of carbon dioxide over 20 years. It details Nigeria's commitment to the Global Methane Pledge and its specific target to reduce oil and gas methane emissions by 61% in its updated NDC. The document identifies key tools like the Nigerian Gas Flare Tracker and the prototype Satellite-based Methane Emission Tracker as essential for measurement and verification. However, it warns that inadequate curbing of gas flaring and new EU regulations on fossil fuel imports by 2030 pose significant risks to Nigeria's LNG exports and economic stability. The authors advocate for enhanced leak detection and repair (LDAR) technologies, robust regulatory enforcement, and international collaboration to meet the national goal of ending gas flaring by 2030.

The document serves as a summary of the methane reduction landscape in Nigeria's oil and gas industry, drawing on a broader landscape mapping report to highlight policy and regulation frameworks aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

The OCI+ tool reveals that global oil and gas resources vary by up to five times in life-cycle emissions intensity. The document emphasizes that supply-side emissions from production, refining, and transport can rival end-use consumption, making the identification of high-emitting assets critical for short-term climate action. It highlights methane reduction as the highest priority, noting that methane accounts for over half of operational emissions and advocating for the use of a 20-year global warming potential (GWP20) to accurately assess climate risks.

The OCI+ tool provides data on the methane intensity of global oil and gas resources, highlighting that the sector is responsible for an estimated one-third of global methane emissions. The tool aims to help policymakers, investors, and civil society prioritize the highest-emitting assets for mitigation. The document emphasizes that over half of industry methane emissions can be profitably reduced and notes the role of satellite monitoring in identifying super-emitters. Additionally, the OCI+ includes an environmental justice feature to map the risks posed by gas flaring to nearby communities, specifically utilizing 2022 US flaring data.

The report analyzes methane emissions in Nigeria's oil and gas sector, noting that 73% of the estimated 439.8 kilotons of methane emissions come from gas production, processing, and distribution. While existing policies like the NUPRC Guide 0024 - 2022 align with the Global Methane Pledge, the report identifies gaps in regulatory enforcement, stakeholder coordination, and academic research. It estimates a funding requirement of US$1.5 billion between 2023 and 2030 to reduce emissions, with oil and gas majors expected to contribute US$300 million. The document advocates for a data-driven approach using satellite technology, such as the Satellite-based Methane Emission Tracking (SMET) platform, and calls for innovative financing through green bonds and public-private partnerships.

The document argues that decisive action on climate change, specifically regulating the oil and gas industry and its financial backers, is necessary to prevent the worsening of wildfires, heat domes, and floods in Canada. It highlights the disproportionate impact of these events on Indigenous peoples and criticizes the Canadian government for prioritizing fossil fuel infrastructure, such as the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion, over emissions reductions.

Friends of the Earth Africa rejects the claim that fossil fuel expansion serves African interests, asserting that such projects lead to environmental degradation and human rights abuses rather than energy access. The organization advocates for a people-led transition to clean energy, the rejection of gas as a transition fuel, and the demand for technology transfers and grants to cover ecological debts owed to the region.

The briefing examines the discrepancy between methane emissions reported by the oil and gas industry and those found through independent measurements. It highlights that industry-led estimation methodologies, such as the API Compendium, often fail to account for 'super-emitter' events, leading to reports that may be 94% lower than independent estimates. The author calls for regulators to mandate measured rather than estimated data to verify climate claims and ensure the effectiveness of the Global Methane Pledge.

The briefing outlines key priorities for COP29, including climate finance, methane abatement, and technology partnerships, while warning that the cancellation of 2024 regional climate weeks necessitates increased climate action outside the formal UNFCCC process.