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The report finds that G20 countries are not on track to meet Paris Agreement goals, with energy-related CO2 emissions increasing again in 2017 and 82% of energy supply still coming from fossil fuels. It highlights significant gaps in sectoral actions—particularly in power, transport, and industry—and notes that fossil fuel subsidies in the G20 nearly doubled between 2007 and 2016. While some countries are implementing 'just transition' initiatives for workers, others lack dialogue or action.

The document examines the scale of public money supporting fossil fuels in G20 countries and presents case studies of reforms to align these flows with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals. It highlights the use of consumption and production subsidy removals, increased taxation, and the diversification of state-owned enterprise investments. The paper argues that shifting these resources can create fiscal space for social protection, health, and clean energy, while recommending that G20 nations adopt ambitious reform timelines and protect vulnerable groups during the transition.

The report examines how G20 countries can shift public funds away from fossil fuels through subsidy reform, increased taxation, and the redirection of state-owned enterprise investments. It highlights specific national examples, such as Indonesia's consumption subsidy reform and the EU's transition funds, while arguing that the current scale of public support for fossil fuels hinders decarbonization and sustainable development.

The We Mean Business coalition argues that while nearly 500 companies have set science-based emission reduction targets, stronger government policies are required to drive further business action. The coalition recommends specific interventions across zero-carbon grids, fleets, buildings, and agriculture, alongside broader systemic reforms including the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, the implementation of carbon pricing, and the adoption of TCFD disclosure requirements. The document emphasizes that these policies will provide the clarity and confidence businesses need for low-carbon capital investment and a just transition for workers.

ClientEarth argues that the UK's Capacity Market (CM) may be over-procuring capacity and risks subsidising fossil fuels, thereby undermining the coal phase-out and the Paris Agreement. The organisation recommends making Emissions Performance Standard (EPS) and LCP BREF compliance mandatory for CM entry, removing very long-term contracts to prevent fossil-fuel lock-in, and reducing financial barriers for demand-side response (DSR) and storage. It further suggests introducing a specific 'climate and competition' objective for the CM and reforming the cost-recovery methodology to provide sharper price signals for DSR. ClientEarth also calls for an independent resource adequacy assessment that accounts for the growth of distributed energy resources and interconnection.

The report investigates the potential for Zambia to transition from fossil fuel subsidies to sustainable energy investments. It identifies that while petroleum subsidies were largely eliminated in 2016, significant subsidies remain in the electricity sector, particularly for the mining industry. The authors propose two 'subsidy swaps': redirecting electricity subsidies to fund energy efficiency in mining and replacing expensive diesel generators with solar PV. The report concludes that both are feasible, with solar PV already progressing through initiatives like Scaling Solar and GET FiT, while the mining sector swap requires further research into energy savings potential and fund administration.

The report identifies that Canada remains a significant provider of oil and gas subsidies within the G7. It details various federal tax deductions and direct funding programs for the industry, noting that while some subsidies appeared to decrease between 2015 and 2016, this was largely due to low oil prices and accounting practices rather than complete elimination. The authors argue that these fiscal supports create a risk of stranded assets and undermine the transition to renewable energy.

The document argues that Canada remains a significant provider of fossil fuel subsidies among G7 nations, despite some reforms. It details various federal mechanisms of support, including tax deductions for exploration and development, and direct funding for innovation and carbon capture. The report highlights that the apparent decrease in subsidies between 2013 and 2016 was largely due to low oil prices and accounting practices that allow companies to defer tax deductions, rather than a complete elimination of support. It further argues that these subsidies are incompatible with Canada's climate goals and the need for a just transition for workers.

The policy brief examines the tension between national climate measures and international trade rules, such as those of the WTO. Based on a literature review and 26 expert interviews, it categorizes 22 options for alignment by their short-term political feasibility. The authors recommend six immediate actions: leveraging regional trade agreements (RTAs), engaging in plurilateral efforts like the Environmental Goods Agreement, intensifying WTO and UNFCCC coordination, voluntarily including climate issues in the WTO Trade Policy Review Mechanism, advancing border carbon adjustments (BCAs) via like-minded coalitions, and promoting fossil fuel subsidy reform through a group of WTO Members.

The report analyzes the role of economic instruments in mobilizing private investment for clean energy in Indonesia, Mexico, and India. It examines specific mechanisms such as Indonesia's fossil fuel subsidy reforms, Mexico's Clean Energy Certificates (CELs), and India's Goods and Services Tax (GST), highlighting how these policies can either facilitate or obstruct the transition to renewable energy.

The document outlines a dialogue between stakeholders on the necessity of a managed decline of Canada's oil and gas sector to avoid the economic and social disruptions of an unmanaged collapse. It emphasizes that climate leadership for wealthy fossil fuel producers requires ending production expansion and implementing supply-side policies. Key discussions focus on the need for a dedicated transition fund, the reform of fossil fuel subsidies and Alberta's low royalty regimes, and the importance of participatory planning that protects workers and communities. The paper argues that a comprehensive policy portfolio—combining demand-side carbon pricing with supply-side production limits—is essential for Canada to meet its global fair share of emissions reductions.

The report evaluates 22 trade-related policy options to support climate action, categorising them into general trade system support, border carbon adjustments, and fossil fuel subsidy reform, while assessing their political feasibility across short, medium, and long-term horizons.

The report evaluates 22 options to make the international trade system more supportive of climate action, categorising them into general WTO reforms, border carbon adjustments (BCAs), and fossil fuel subsidy reforms. It concludes that legal changes at the WTO are currently unfeasible due to geopolitical tensions and the requirement for consensus. Instead, it identifies 'low-hanging fruit' such as procedural changes, including the integration of climate expertise into dispute panels and enhanced coordination between the WTO and UNFCCC. The report also highlights the role of regional trade agreements (RTAs) and plurilateral initiatives, like the Environmental Goods Agreement (EGA), as more viable paths for like-minded countries to advance climate objectives.

The report argues that India can accelerate universal household electrification by redirecting kerosene subsidies toward pico solar PV products. It identifies a surfeit of market-ready, certified solar lanterns that can replace kerosene lamps at a lower or equal cost. Analysis of Uttar Pradesh and Odisha suggests that while Odisha presents a strong market scenario due to high kerosene dependence, challenges include the use of kerosene for cooking and government opposition to quota reductions. In Uttar Pradesh, the report notes that kerosene subsidies are often poorly targeted, with fuel being diverted for transport.

The report argues that global fossil fuel subsidies, estimated at USD 425 billion in 2015, represent a massive untapped financial resource that could fund universal energy access multiple times over. It contends that untargeted consumption subsidies are often regressive, benefiting wealthier households and potentially hindering energy access by straining utility budgets and encouraging fuel smuggling. The authors propose a 'Remove, Target, and Swap' framework: removing subsidies with no energy access benefit, targeting necessary subsidies toward the poor (e.g., through connection subsidies), and swapping fossil fuel support for investments in renewable energy and energy efficiency.

The document criticizes G7 nations for continuing to provide approximately $100 billion annually in fossil fuel subsidies despite commitments to phase them out since 2009. It highlights the contradiction between these subsidies and the goals of the Paris Agreement and carbon pricing, specifically citing Canada's recent investment in oil pipeline nationalization to increase tar sand exports.

Polling data indicates strong Canadian opposition to public subsidies for oil and gas companies, with a demand for transparency and a preference for political parties that commit to phasing out these financial supports.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on G7 governments to increase climate ambition by implementing more stringent 2020 NDCs, phasing out fossil fuel subsidies and coal power, and establishing strong carbon pricing. The coalition emphasizes that while businesses are aligning with the Paris Agreement to drive innovation and growth, they require clear policy signals to secure low-GHG capital investment. The statement advocates for a just transition to a net-zero global economy, highlighting that over 700 leading businesses—with a collective market capitalization exceeding $16.7 trillion—are already taking action through the coalition's campaigns.

The G7 Fossil Fuel Subsidy Scorecard reveals that G7 governments continue to provide substantial financial support to fossil fuels despite commitments to phase them out by 2025. Analysis shows that in 2015 and 2016, G7 nations provided at least USD 100 billion annually in subsidies and public finance, failing to implement mechanisms to document the full extent of this support or ensure accountability.

The document argues that Canada's current trade model privileges corporate profits over people and the environment, specifically citing NAFTA's role in exacerbating economic inequality and environmental degradation. The signatories propose a 12-point alternative model for trade negotiations, emphasizing the elimination of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, and the abolition of energy proportionality rules that hinder Canada's ability to reduce fossil fuel production. They assert that for Canada to be a 'climate champion', its trade agreements must be compatible with the Paris Agreement and the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change.