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The report identifies a complex threat landscape for the 2025 Czech elections, where foreign actors—primarily Russia and China—exploit domestic polarization and economic grievances. Key risks include the use of AI-generated deepfakes, the proliferation of pro-Kremlin Telegram networks, and narratives targeting the legitimacy of the new postal voting system. While Czechia's decentralized electoral infrastructure is considered resilient, the report highlights critical gaps in regulatory strength, specifically the delayed implementation of the EU Digital Services Act (DSA) and inadequate oversight of third-party campaign financing.

The report analyzes how Wikipedia is targeted by information warfare, including undisclosed paid editing, state-sponsored infiltration, and the use of biased sources. Through a case study of the English-language page on the Russo-Ukrainian war, researchers identified patterns where blocked editors used state-affiliated domains and split their edit histories across multiple accounts to evade detection. The document also highlights the risk of 'community capture' in non-English Wikipedias and the psychological toll on volunteer editors fighting these campaigns.

The report finds that while the EU Code of Practice on Disinformation (CoPD) led to some progress in political advertising transparency, its overall effectiveness was undermined by its self-regulatory nature and lack of enforcement mechanisms. Analysis of Facebook, Google, and Twitter reveals significant gaps in data integrity, the persistence of inauthentic account networks, and limited data access for independent researchers. The author argues that voluntary self-regulation is insufficient and recommends a systemic regulatory approach focused on computational transparency across content moderation, advertising, complaints, and algorithms.

The report identifies a shift from outright climate denial to 'discourses of delay'—narratives that accept climate change but justify inaction. During COP26, four primary delayist narratives trended: 'Hypocrisy and Elitism', 'Absolutionism', 'Unreliability of Renewables', and 'Ineffective Electric Vehicles'. The authors argue that a small group of 'repeat offender' influencers and right-wing media outlets drive the majority of this content, often leveraging algorithmic amplification on platforms like Facebook and Twitter. The report concludes with seven policy recommendations, including the adoption of a unified definition of climate disinformation and stricter enforcement against repeat offenders.

The document introduces the Young Digital Leaders (YDL) program and offers a comprehensive framework for parents to guide children in navigating the internet safely. It focuses on identifying disinformation, understanding algorithmic biases like filter bubbles, and promoting respectful online communication. The guide includes a glossary of key digital concepts and a directory of French educational resources to support the development of proactive and ethical digital citizens.

The document argues that AI can strengthen the information basis for peace-building by enhancing conflict data collection, improving the accuracy of conflict forecasting, and supporting scenario modelling for anticipatory action. While acknowledging risks such as surveillance and disinformation, the author suggests that AI tools—including large language models and satellite imagery analysis—can help humanitarian actors and governments better anticipate and mitigate the impacts of armed conflict.

The report argues that countering disinformation requires a shift from merely correcting false claims to building holistic societal resilience. It analyzes the 'psychological defence' model, specifically the Swedish Psychological Defence Agency (MPF), and evaluates Norwegian and European approaches. Key findings suggest that while Norway has high institutional trust, it lacks the centralized coordination seen in Sweden. The authors recommend that Norway strengthen national coordination, clarify conceptual terminology to avoid 'militarizing' social issues, and prioritize strategic, transparent communication to maintain public trust outside of crisis periods.

The report outlines 17 specific measures to protect the integrity of environmental information in France. These include institutionalizing the monitoring of media coverage via the Observatoire des Médias sur l’Ecologie, protecting environmental spokespeople from harassment, and integrating climate disinformation as a systemic risk under the EU's Digital Services Act. It advocates for stronger editorial safeguards against shareholder conflicts of interest, mandatory 'climate contracts' to fight greenwashing, and specialized training for public officials, journalists, and students. Internationally, it urges France to lead the Global Initiative for Climate Information Integrity (GI3C) and coordinate with European regulators via the EU Media Board.

The document details how fossil fuel companies, including Exxon and Shell, and the American Petroleum Institute (API) knew about the risks of global warming as early as the late 1970s but chose to implement campaigns of disinformation. It highlights internal documents and public contradictions, such as the API's 1998 'Global Climate Science Communications Plan' and public denials by Exxon CEO Lee Raymond, to argue for corporate accountability for climate-related harms.

The Union of Concerned Scientists evaluated Chevron on 30 metrics, finding the company's performance ranged from 'fair' to 'egregious'. While Chevron provides detailed analysis of regulatory risks and maintains transparent political spending policies, it is criticized for its affiliations with trade associations that spread climate disinformation, its opposition to climate-related shareholder resolutions, and a lack of specific company-wide targets for emissions reductions aligned with the Paris Agreement.

The Union of Concerned Scientists evaluated Royal Dutch Shell across four metrics: renouncing disinformation, planning for a carbon-free world, supporting climate policies, and disclosing climate risks. While Shell was praised for acknowledging climate science and leaving the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), it was criticized for maintaining ties to trade associations like the American Petroleum Institute (API) and the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) that spread disinformation. The report also notes that Shell lacks a company-wide emissions reduction plan aligned with specific temperature goals and provides poor disclosure of physical climate risks.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2022-2026 establishes a framework to advance communication rights, particularly for marginalized groups. It identifies five priority areas: digital communication rights, migrants and refugees, indigenous rights, climate change, and gender equality. The plan emphasizes 'effective access'—combining technology with literacy and language—to counter the influence of global corporations and authoritarian censorship. Organizationally, WACC aims to diversify its funding, enhance its presence in international forums like the United Nations, and strengthen its global network of faith-based and secular partners.

The guide examines the intersection of communication rights and the Internet, arguing that while the Internet has the potential to be a 'global commons' and a tool for social justice, it is currently undermined by digital divides, surveillance, and corporate dominance. It highlights the shift of advertising revenue from traditional media to tech giants and the rise of 'surveillance capitalism' and the 'precariat' in the gig economy. The document calls for civil society to advocate for a communication ecosystem governed by human rights and democratic principles rather than for-profit logic.