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The report introduces Green Economic Populism (GEP), a framework that argues the affordability crisis is a structural challenge intensified by the climate crisis. It posits that reducing dependence on volatile fossil fuels can lower costs for working people across energy, food, health, housing, and transportation. The document provides polling data showing that 70% of US voters believe economic policy can simultaneously lower costs and reduce emissions, and 55% want coordinated policies to address both. It highlights successful political campaigns and labor actions in cities and states such as New York City, Seattle, New Jersey, Georgia, and Missouri that centered the intersection of climate action and material needs, such as rent stabilization, utility price controls, and decarbonized public infrastructure.

The author contends that progressive and Green politics in Europe are currently overshadowed by right-wing narratives of fear and security. To counter this, the text suggests adopting 'hope-based' communication rooted in intrinsic values—such as empathy, care, and connection to nature—rather than rational utilitarian arguments. Drawing on brain science and political examples like the US Green New Deal, the document advocates for 'Solarpunk' visions of the future and community-building actions to create a new 'Green wave' of political agency.

The author argues that while polls suggest a second-round runoff between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, a Green candidate could potentially disrupt this by securing at least 8 million first-round votes. This would require unifying fragmented left-wing and social-democratic electorates into a 'social-ecological' bloc. The strategy relies on shifting the political narrative from mere crisis management to a vision of a stable, different future rooted in ecological transition and social protection, leveraging the psychological impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global climate crisis.

The author argues that while a Green candidate alone cannot win the 2022 French presidential election, they could reach the run-off by uniting Greens and social democrats into a single bloc. By targeting a potential constituency of 10 million left-leaning voters and framing the ecological transition as part of a progressive tradition of protection and solidarity, a Green-led coalition could potentially secure the 8 million votes necessary to challenge the dominant candidates, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen.

Following a 13.5% result in the 2019 European elections, Europe Ecologie Les Verts (EELV) faces the challenge of converting temporary electoral momentum into long-term power. The author argues that while the party 'owns' environmental issues in the French electoral arena, it must manage a volatile and ideologically diverse electorate—ranging from the far left to the center—by prioritizing an ecology-centered discourse and opening the party to younger generations and external experts to avoid historical patterns of electoral decline.

The author calls for Green political movements to shift their approach from focusing on prohibitions to promoting a positive vision of societal well-being. This involves reinventing democracy to counter authoritarianism, transitioning the welfare state into a 'social-ecological state' capable of functioning without economic growth, and building strategic alliances with non-Green entities to mainstream ecological discourse and overcome public resistance to lifestyle changes.

The German Green Party asserts that its political identity depends on balancing its presence in government coalitions with its roots in social and ecological movements. The party aims to use this dual position to oppose the TTIP and CETA trade agreements and to push for an ambitious binding agreement at COP 21 in Paris, while linking climate action to social justice and gender equality.

The author contends that the crisis of globalized liberalism has erased the differences between traditional productivist parties, leaving ecology as the only force proposing necessary systemic transformations. The text criticizes the French Green party (EELV) for subordinating itself to the Socialist Party (PS), which it claims led to electoral decline and a failure to influence government policy. To recover, the author advocates for a 'Green New Deal' implemented through 'contractual autonomy'—where alliances are based on specific programmatic agreements rather than 'left-right' labels—and a return to a 'cooperative' structure that integrates party militants and civil society. This strategy is proposed as a means to resist the rise of national-populism and prepare for the 2017 national elections.

The author diagnoses a crisis in political ecology caused by the Greens' alignment with the productivist Left, specifically the Socialist Party (PS), which led to electoral losses in 2014. The text proposes ten theses to rebuild the movement, emphasizing a return to 'contractual autonomy'—where alliances are based on specific policy content rather than 'Left/Right' labels—and the adoption of a 'cooperative' organizational model to engage civil society and prepare for the 2017 elections.

The author analyzes the electoral performance of European Green parties following the 2009 financial crisis, noting a trend of decline in several countries. To counter this, the text proposes five strategic challenges: focusing on societal needs over internal struggles, embracing diversity in leadership and membership, transitioning from 'whistleblowers' to 'solution providers', establishing credibility on economic issues by promoting alternative green economic concepts, and asserting a strong commitment to social justice and equity. The author advocates for a 'Green New Deal' as a practical first step toward a radical paradigm shift in the development model, emphasizing that proposed efforts must be effective, fair, and legitimate to restore public trust.