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The article argues that referendums are alien to the UK's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty and have been used by politicians to resolve internal party disputes or by campaigners to simplify complex issues through misinformation. It highlights the 2016 Brexit vote and the 2014 Scottish independence referendum as examples where binary choices reduced nuanced decisions to 'support/oppose' options, leading to voter regret and democratic weakening.

The text analyzes the Swiss system of direct democracy, detailing the processes for constitutional amendments through popular initiatives and optional referendums. It highlights the historical milestone of granting women federal voting rights in 1971 and discusses the influence of non-parliamentary forces and financial opacity in modern campaigns. The author concludes by questioning whether the Swiss model of creating citizenship through direct democracy could serve as a model for strengthening European citizenship.

The document analyzes the instrumental use of referendums in Romania, focusing on the 2018 vote to redefine marriage as a union between a man and a woman. Although the referendum failed due to low turnout (21%), it provided a platform for far-right rhetoric and contributed to the rise of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), which entered Parliament in 2020 with 9% of the vote.

The document analyzes the use of referendums in Italy, contrasting their potential for progressive social change with the risks of authoritarianism and the limitations of the current constitutional framework. It highlights specific cases, such as the 1974 divorce referendum and the 2020 constitutional referendum on reducing parliament members, to argue that referendums alone cannot ensure inclusive democracy without accompanying social justice and inclusivity.

The author discusses the historical and cultural significance of the Irish Constitution and the use of referendums as a tool for societal progress. Highlighting high turnout in social issues like marriage equality (2015) and abortion (2018), the text emphasizes the importance of youth participation and the role of Citizens' Assemblies. It recommends making the independent referendum commission permanent and introducing postal voting to increase accessibility, while arguing against grouping multiple referendums on a single day to avoid voter confusion.

The author argues that referendums are historically alien to the UK's tradition of representative democracy and parliamentary sovereignty. The text identifies three drivers for their recent use: addressing constitutional questions like Scottish independence, seeking political legitimacy to resolve internal party conflicts (as seen with David Cameron and Brexit), and as a tool for those seeking epochal change through binary choices. The author concludes that the lack of civic experience with referendums led to campaigns based on fear and disinformation, ultimately damaging the UK's democratic health.

The article analyzes the use of direct democracy in Italy, contrasting the success of the 1974 divorce referendum in advancing civil rights with later examples, such as the 1993 electoral reform and the 2020 parliamentary reduction, which the author suggests provided an illusion of change or risked fostering authoritarian tendencies. It concludes that true democratic sovereignty requires social justice and inclusion rather than relying solely on referendums.

The text examines the global decline of trust in democracy, linking it to economic inequality, technological shifts, and social transformation. It positions Green politics as a solution to this crisis through the promotion of active citizenship, the creation of a socially just and sustainable vision of prosperity to replace fossil-fuel-based social democracy, and the democratic reform of the European Union.

Since 2003, Malta has held three referendums—on EU membership (2003), divorce (2011), and spring hunting (2015)—which the author argues are shaped by a persistent bipartisan political structure and a conflict between 'eurocentric' liberal values and 'authentic' national identity. The 2003 EU vote saw high participation (nearly 91%) but low support (54%), while the 2011 divorce vote (53.2% 'yes') signaled a decline in the Catholic Church's social influence. The 2015 spring hunting referendum highlighted a clash between environmental conservation and national pride, with the latter used by the government to deflect international scrutiny over corruption and the murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia.

The author argues that referendums are a vital tool for evolving Ireland's constitution, which was originally shaped by the struggle for independence and the influence of the Catholic Church. The text notes an acceleration in the frequency of referendums since 2000, particularly those with significant social impact, such as marriage equality (2015) and abortion (2018), which saw high voter turnout. The author advocates for the introduction of postal voting to increase accessibility and suggests making the Independent Referendum Commission a permanent body to ensure best practices in formulating and explaining amendments. Finally, the author rejects the idea of grouping multiple referendums on a single day, arguing that careful, individual consideration of amendments preserves the integrity of the constitutional process.

The author argues that right-wing populist parties in Europe are replacing outright climate denial with a 'green patriotism' that frames environmental protection as a nationalist and identitarian project. Using the Spanish party Vox and the French Rassemblement National (RN) as primary examples, the text describes how these parties reject 'globalist' climate policies and international cooperation in favor of national energy autarky, localism, and the preservation of national 'natural heritage'. This shift is presented as a strategic move to appeal to working-class voters and a way to integrate environmental concerns into a broader civilizational conflict between nationalist and globalist worldviews.

The article analyzes the use of referendums in Romania, specifically the 2018 constitutional referendum on the definition of family and a 2019 consultative referendum on anti-corruption. It argues that these tools of direct democracy have been used by political actors to increase popularity and legitimacy. The 2018 referendum, which failed to reach a 30% quorum with only 21% participation, is highlighted as a mechanism that gave visibility to far-right organizations. This rhetoric contributed to the 2019 formation of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), which subsequently won 9% of the vote in the 2020 elections and entered Parliament as the fourth largest group.

The author contends that referendums are not 'direct democracy' but mediated mechanisms shaped by institutional rules. The text distinguishes between frequent referendums and occasional 'plebiscites' used by leaders to resolve social divisions or gain legitimacy. Using examples from Switzerland, Ireland, and Iceland, the author illustrates how different models operate. The central argument is that frequent use of referendums is preferable as it empowers citizens and demystifies the concept of a final 'general will'.

The paper examines the 'solidarity economy' in Central and Eastern Europe, arguing that while the region has a deep tradition of informal mutual aid and survival networks, these practices often inadvertently subsidize capitalist accumulation by covering reproduction costs that capital does not pay. It contrasts the 'new' solidarity movements in Western Europe and North America with the 'traditional' survival strategies of the semi-periphery, suggesting that for a genuine solidarity economy to emerge, these existing practices must be transformed from extractive to generative purposes.

The text examines the transition from 'public democracy' to 'platform democracy,' where social media algorithms prioritize sensationalism and disinformation over facts to maximize advertising revenue. It highlights how this environment undermines shared truths, citing examples like Donald Trump's use of misinformation and the role of bots in spreading climate change denial. The author proposes legislative interventions, such as mandatory fact-checking for users who encounter disinformation, the banning of micro-targeting, and the promotion of non-commercial platforms like Mastodon and Peertube. Furthermore, it advocates for treating large platforms as news organizations that must promote independent, ethically grounded journalism to reduce polarization and protect democratic stability.

The document traces a series of Romanian protest waves, starting with the 2013 Rosia Montana anti-mining movement and the 2015 Colectiv nightclub fire protests, which challenged government corruption and systemic failures. It argues that these movements helped citizens overcome a historical fear of state repression dating back to the 1990-1991 Mineriade, eventually leading to the rise of centre-right parties like USR and PLUS. The author notes that while these new parties adopted some green policies, the formal Green party in Romania remains weak due to the continued dominance of the Social Democrats (PSD) and internal organizational issues.

Juliane Schmidt advocates for the EU to transition from basic gender mainstreaming to a 'green feminist foreign policy' that employs an intersectional approach to address the gendered impacts of climate change, conflict, and natural disasters. The author critiques the European External Action Service (EEAS) for its male-dominated leadership and the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III) for lacking inclusive language and gender-responsive budgeting. The text suggests that the EU should follow the lead of pioneer countries like Sweden by implementing mandatory staff training, binding gender chapters in trade agreements, and systemic changes to institutional culture to ensure that women and marginalised groups are agents of change rather than mere beneficiaries.

The author argues that while polls suggest a second-round runoff between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, a Green candidate could potentially disrupt this by securing at least 8 million first-round votes. This would require unifying fragmented left-wing and social-democratic electorates into a 'social-ecological' bloc. The strategy relies on shifting the political narrative from mere crisis management to a vision of a stable, different future rooted in ecological transition and social protection, leveraging the psychological impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global climate crisis.

The author argues that while a Green candidate alone cannot win the 2022 French presidential election, they could reach the run-off by uniting Greens and social democrats into a single bloc. By targeting a potential constituency of 10 million left-leaning voters and framing the ecological transition as part of a progressive tradition of protection and solidarity, a Green-led coalition could potentially secure the 8 million votes necessary to challenge the dominant candidates, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen.

The text traces the evolution of Estonia's LGBT+ movement from the 1990s to 2021, highlighting the 2014 Registered Partnership Act and its subsequent failure to be fully implemented. It details the hostile environment created by the EKRE party during its time in government, including a proposed referendum to define marriage strictly as between a man and a woman. While the collapse of the coalition in January 2021 cancelled the referendum, the authors argue that the new government's refusal to change the definition of marriage in the Family Law Act indicates a continuing reluctance to achieve full marriage equality.