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The author analyzes the Occupy movement as a response to a systemic crisis driven by neo-liberal wealth redistribution and austerity in Europe. While praising the movement's concept of solidarity and its focus on the '99 per cent', the text warns that spontaneous protests are insufficient without a structured alliance of institutions, unions, and parties. The author calls for a new societal model that replaces consumerism with a vision of a 'good life' for all, incorporating fairer taxation and politically negotiated limits on resource use to prevent poverty and climate wars.

The author contends that overcoming the crisis requires surpassing national sovereignty in favor of a federal European Union to regulate financial markets and climate change. The text proposes a green economy based on massive innovation in green technologies and building insulation to create non-delocalisable jobs and reduce climate imbalance. Finally, it argues for a departure from traditional political strategies based on GDP growth and consumption, citing the reality of a world with limited resources.

The author contends that the eurozone crisis is not a failure of the euro itself, but a result of inadequate institutional underpinning and systemic problems that cannot be solved by national-level austerity. The text argues that the German government's focus on individual national fiscal discipline is a false diagnosis. To prevent a return to monetary nationalism or a permanent crisis, the author proposes a move toward political union among the 17 EMU member countries, involving collective guarantees for government bonds combined with strict collective control over national budgets. This process should be legitimized through a constitutional convention and public referenda to avoid a top-down 'centralised executive power'. Beyond the immediate crisis, the author suggests that unification is necessary to regulate global financial markets and maintain Europe's political and economic influence in a shifting global landscape.

The document challenges the narrative that Portugal's sovereign debt crisis was solely caused by national misgovernment, instead highlighting three structural weaknesses: low education levels, a low-value-added economic specialisation profile, and a peripheral geographic position. It argues that EU-level decisions—such as the process of nominal convergence and the management of the euro—exacerbated these issues. The author contends that the current adjustment program, focused on austerity and internal devaluation through wage cuts, is pro-cyclical and risks deepening the recession while undermining long-term competitiveness by cutting investments in education and infrastructure.

The author analyzes the collapse of the liberal-productivist model, which combined neoliberal deregulation with a drive for continuous material growth. This model failed due to a convergence of financial debt crises and ecological constraints, specifically the 'energy-climate crisis' and food price volatility. The author proposes a 'Green Deal' characterized by a shift toward labor-intensive green investments, a reduction in working hours, and a global cooperative framework for greenhouse gas (GHG) quotas. To fund this transition, the document suggests the 'monetization of debts'—canceling or rescheduling old debts while directing new credit toward green conversion. The text warns that without a democratic, cooperative transition, the world risks repeating the 1930s' slide into fascism or totalitarianism.

The author characterizes the current global crisis as the collapse of a 'liberal-productivist' model, which combined neoliberal deregulation with a productivist drive that ignored ecological limits. This model failed due to a combination of financial instability (a 'debt economy'), extreme revenue inequality, and a 'climate-energy crisis' where the demand for staple commodities like food and energy crowded out durable goods. The author argues that traditional Keynesian solutions are insufficient because they would accelerate climate change, while 'green-washing' ignores the social inequalities at the root of the crisis. A proposed 'Green Deal' would involve a global redistribution of productivity—prioritizing the reduction of labor time over material consumption—and a shift toward a labor-intensive technological paradigm focused on public transportation and care services. Financing this transition would require the 'monetization of debts' and the creation of new credit strictly oriented toward green investments. The author warns that without a coordinated, democratic transition, the world risks a repeat of the 1930s, where economic desperation led to the rise of fascism and Stalinism.

The Greens in the Bundestag and European Parliament call for a transition from a currency union to a comprehensive economic union to resolve the Eurocrisis. They argue that the Treaty of Lisbon and the 'new fiscal policy pact' are insufficient because they rely on intergovernmental cooperation rather than democratically legitimised EU institutions. The document proposes a 'Green Convention on the Future of the European Union' to debate treaty amendments, including the creation of a European Economic and Finance Minister, a European financial transaction tax, and a 'social progress clause' to protect workers' rights. The authors advocate for a 'Green New Deal' to ensure sustainable and socially equitable growth, alongside greater harmonisation of tax systems to prevent tax avoidance and dangerous competition.

The German Greens propose a Green New Deal to transition Germany toward a low-carbon, resource-efficient economy. The plan rests on three pillars: re-regulating financial markets to end speculation, implementing green industrial policies to promote renewables and efficiency, and ensuring social justice through a 'new social balance' and fair wealth distribution. The authors argue that Germany's industrial success depends on this transformation and that it must be coordinated at the EU level to be effective.

The author analyzes the mechanism of populism in Europe, describing it as a process of creating fixed, exclusionary images of 'the other' to define a 'good' people against a 'bad' elite and 'backward' minorities. Drawing on the work of Chantal Mouffe and Merijn Oudenampsen, the text suggests that the disappearance of ideological conflict between left and right after 1989 created a vacuum that populists filled with cultural and religious antagonisms. The author warns that Green and left-wing parties often inadvertently adopt populist frames—such as viewing religion as anti-modernist—and calls for a shift back to socio-economic analysis and the creation of inclusive, non-stereotypical political imagery.

The document argues that the Eurozone crisis is a symptom of a failing 'liberal-productivist' economic model and a lack of democratic legitimacy in EU governance. It proposes a 'Green New Deal' focusing on renewable energy, financial re-regulation, and social justice to replace GDP-centric growth. Specific analyses cover the structural failures of austerity in Portugal, the political shift toward majoritarian nationalism in Hungary, and the need for a transnational European public sphere to foster solidarity and democratic reform.

The Green European Journal, a political ecology magazine, seeks analytical articles focused on political ecology and Europe. It accepts various formats including analysis, essays, case studies, reviews, interviews, graphic stories, and fiction, typically ranging from 1800 to 2500 words. The journal prioritizes a well-supported line of argument over opinion pieces and encourages contributions from diverse voices, particularly from southern and eastern Europe.

The Green European Journal accepts submissions for thematic editions from individuals of any background, offering three article formats: analysis, interviews, and opinion pieces. Authors are encouraged to submit a pitch for feedback and are required to follow specific formatting guidelines, including a 50-100 word introduction and the use of short subheadings. While the journal uses UK English, submissions are accepted in several European languages, provided a summary is included if the language is not among the eight primary accepted languages.

The report presents a series of expert contributions from Green movements in 16 European countries, arguing that labour taxes are often the primary source of government revenue and should be shifted toward taxes on pollution, capital, and resource use. Proposed alternatives include carbon taxes, wealth taxes, and taxes on automated work, while improvements to labour taxation focus on increasing progressivity, introducing negative income taxes for low earners, and simplifying tax codes.

The transition to renewable energy is expected to reduce dependencies on fossil fuel importers and lower energy prices, but it introduces new geopolitical challenges. The author argues that 'pipeline politics' will be replaced by 'grid politics', where control over interconnectors, hubs, and storage facilities becomes central. For Europe, while the transition offers a path away from reliance on Russia and the Gulf region, success depends on the EU's ability to manage internal divergences in national energy priorities and compete with Asia and the US in the clean tech market and for rare minerals.

The authors argue that European transport policies are outdated because they assume a permanent increase in driving and flying. They suggest that the convergence of new technologies—such as autonomous vehicles, 3D printing, and shared mobility—offers a choice between a 'transport heaven' of reduced congestion and greenery, or a 'transport hell' of increased vehicle kilometers and pollution. The text advocates for a European-wide strategy that prioritizes 'mobility' (satisfying needs without necessarily changing location) over 'transport' (the physical movement of vehicles), citing the Netherlands' transition to cycling as a model for urban transformation.

The document is a collection of essays and interviews exploring the concept of borders in Europe. It argues that while the Schengen Agreement created a symbolic and practical 'common home' for Europeans, the refugee crisis has triggered a return to national borders and 'cognitive barriers.' Contributors discuss the failure of the Dublin Regulation, the need for a common European asylum system, and the potential for 'borderless solidarity.' The volume also extends the analysis of borders to the maritime domain, arguing for the ocean to be treated as a 'global nation' or common good to prevent resource exploitation and conflict.