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The author contends that Poland's plans to develop inland navigation on the Vistula and Odra rivers will lead to environmental destruction, increased flood risks, and water shortages. The text argues that the projected 20 billion euro investment by 2030 is unrealistic and serves a narrow hydro-engineering lobby rather than the public interest. It further criticizes the European Union and World Bank for funding projects that potentially violate the Water Framework, Habitats, and Birds Directives, advocating instead for community-led governance of rivers as common goods.

The author contends that the EU's approach to Turkey is overly focused on refugees and civil liberties, ignoring critical security dynamics in Syria. The text details Turkey's shifting relationship with the Assad regime, its conflict with the PKK, and the role of the Turkish 'deep state' in collaborating with various militants. It highlights the strategic importance of 'Operation Euphrates Shield' in closing IS communication lines and urges the EU to collaborate with Turkey on the liberation of Raqqa and the peace process with Kurdish separatists.

The author argues that the European radical right is moving toward becoming a dominant political force by utilizing a 'common political playbook' of delegitimizing institutions and reforming state architecture to maintain power. This movement is characterized by opposition to minorities, migration, European integration, and 'gender ideology', with Russia and Turkey serving as strategic reference points. To counter this, the author proposes a three-part Green strategy: exposing the hypocrisy and foreign ties of nationalist movements, 'Europeanising' the Green movement to coordinate support across borders, and addressing the root causes of radical right popularity by championing progressive cultural identities and combating neoliberal economic precarity.

The text examines the role of immigration in the population growth of Nordic countries, contrasting the desire for skilled labor with the restrictive policies applied to humanitarian migrants. It highlights specific restrictive measures in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, and advocates for a shift toward integration, reasonable family reunification, and long-term planning to ensure the successful inclusion of new residents.

The author proposes a two-stage 'Foundational Assembly' to move beyond market-led integration and national interests. This process would involve local citizens' assemblies followed by a European Citizens' Assembly to define common values, governance, and Europe's global role, eventually leading to a simultaneous referendum across Member States.

The author proposes an 'Instituting Assembly' to move beyond the market-driven unification of Europe and the limitations of traditional representative democracy. This process would use deliberative democracy and random selection to engage citizens in defining European values, governance, and economic models. The proposed two-stage process begins with local assemblies in cities and regions to bypass national interests, followed by a European-level assembly of 1,000 delegates. The goal is to establish a genuine community of destiny capable of addressing global challenges, such as climate change, before potentially submitting a consensus-based project to a pan-European referendum.

The case study examines the trajectory of the Croatian Green party ORaH, which peaked at 16.8% approval in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% after the 2016 elections. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic errors—such as supporting a candidate perceived as a satellite of the SDP—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and an 'elitist' communication style. The text concludes that future Green success in Croatia requires a bottom-up organizational approach and stronger knowledge transfer from Western Green organizations.

The research paper examines the trajectory of Održivi razvoj Hrvatske (ORaH), the first green party in Croatia, which saw its popularity peak at 16.8% in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% by 2016. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic political errors—specifically the decision to support incumbent President Ivo Josipović—and internal structural weaknesses, including a 'top-down' organizational approach and a lack of grassroots infrastructure. The text concludes that while there is a growing appetite for green ideas in Croatia and Southeast Europe, future success for green parties depends on building stable bases through grassroots movements rather than relying on the charisma of a single leader.

ORaH emerged in 2013 as a promising Green alternative in Croatia, peaking at a 16.8% approval rating in October 2014. However, the party suffered a steep decline, falling to 0.6% after the 2016 parliamentary elections. This failure is attributed to a combination of strategic miscalculations—specifically the decision to support incumbent Ivo Josipović in the presidential elections—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and a 'top-down approach' that failed to build a grassroots base. The party was also perceived as a 'virtual party' and an 'SDP satellite', eventually being overtaken by other 'third option' parties like Živi zid and Most.

The author contends that Brexit reflects a global anger toward political elites and the failures of globalisation, rather than a failure of the EU itself. The text highlights specific risks for Ireland, including the potential return of a land border and economic destruction if the UK leaves the single market. It further argues that the EU must reform its governance—specifically the European Council—to increase transparency and accountability to prevent further rises of right-wing populism in states like France. The author suggests that a lack of investment in infrastructure and a 'Green New Deal' contributed to the precariousness that fueled the Leave campaign.

The author argues that the Euro and Schengen crises create opposing dependencies between the EU's centre and periphery. While the Euro crisis increased the centre's dominance by making the periphery dependent on financial support and austerity, the Schengen crisis makes the centre dependent on the periphery to manage external borders and migration. Rather than destroying the EU, these overlapping crises are likely to result in a more integrated core and an expanded, graduated periphery.

The author contends that 'partial Europeanisation' has undermined national sovereignty without creating a functional European alternative, fueling populist movements. To resolve this, the document proposes a transition from a hybrid 'sui generis' entity to a sovereign European state with a monopoly on the use of force, a common budget of at least 15% of Eurozone GDP, and a fully democratised legislative process where the European Parliament holds the right of legislative initiative.

The author contends that the current political crisis in Europe, often labeled as the rise of 'illiberal democracy,' is more accurately described as the rise of 'authoritarian capitalism.' This shift is driven by the incompatibility of global economic integration, national states, and democracy, which has left marginalized groups—described as 'vagabonds'—vulnerable to right-wing exploitation. The text argues that left-wing parties have failed by adopting economic liberalism and neglecting the working class, and suggests that only a return to egalitarian principles and a confrontation with the capitalist system can restore democratic legitimacy in Europe.

The author argues that pro-Kremlin media systematically misrepresent the European Union as a weak entity failing to manage 'multiculturalism' and the migrant crisis. This narrative is often amplified by EU-based media and xenophobic political rhetoric within EU Member States, such as in Poland and the Czech Republic. The document suggests that relying on government-run communication agencies like East StratCom is insufficient and instead recommends investing in independent Russian-language media and promoting nuanced, fact-based reporting within the EU to counter these narratives.

The text examines the systemic neglect of young people in the EU, highlighting extreme youth unemployment and poverty rates, particularly in Spain and Greece. It argues that the lack of political representation—evidenced by the high average age of parliamentarians—has pushed youth toward political extremes. The author notes that youth mobilization is now reshaping the political landscape, fueling both progressive movements (like the 15M and Podemos in Spain) and nationalist or extremist parties (such as the FPÖ in Austria and Front National in France), concluding that the future of EU integration depends on addressing these youth-led dynamics.

The text examines the synergy between Russian state-sponsored disinformation and rising xenophobic rhetoric within EU member states. It highlights how pro-Kremlin outlets frame the EU as weak and 'multiculturalism' as a disease to fuel anti-EU sentiment. The author argues that relying solely on official strategic communication agencies is insufficient and instead advocates for supporting independent Russian-language journalism and promoting nuanced, fact-based discourse within the EU to counter these narratives.

The author contends that the EU's political elite, characterized as older white males, have ignored the needs of the youth, resulting in extreme unemployment and poverty rates, particularly in Southern Europe. This systemic exclusion has fueled a wave of political activism and voting shifts across Europe, driving both progressive movements like Spain's 15M and the rise of extremist or nationalist parties. The text warns that the future of European integration depends on whether leaders begin to include young people in decision-making processes.

The author critiques proposals by the European Central Bank and European Commission to reduce or eliminate cash transactions. The text argues that while proponents cite the fight against crime and terrorism, the actual motivations are the banking sector's desire to recapture savings held outside the banking circuit and the state's desire for total financial surveillance. The author concludes that political corruption is the primary remaining safeguard for the continued existence of cash.

The author criticises the EU-Turkey deal reached on 18 March 2016, asserting that it fails to end irregular migration and instead leads to human rights violations, including the forced return of migrants and appalling detention conditions in Greece. The text argues that the EU is using non-binding 'statements' to avoid democratic scrutiny and parliamentary oversight. It proposes alternatives such as the yearly resettlement of 500,000 refugees over six years, humanitarian admission programmes, and labour mobility programs to replace the current focus on deterrence and criminalisation.

The author critiques the EU's approach to 'irregular' migration, arguing that the contradiction between humanitarian rhetoric and security imperatives is not a 'gap' but a symptom of biopolitical governance. Using Roberto Esposito's concept of autoimmunity, the text posits that the EU's drive for maximal security has created a system that destroys the populations it claims to protect. The author suggests moving toward an 'affirmative biopolitics' through demilitarisation, on-shoring border practices, and creating legal labour migration channels.