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Based on interviews with twenty-two companies in 2004, this report examines the challenges and opportunities for South African firms doing business in Nigeria. It forms part of a broader three-year research project funded by the Danish government aimed at improving business access to governments and networking across Africa to support development goals like NEPAD.

The research paper examines the IBSA Dialogue Forum, a partnership between India, Brazil, and South Africa aimed at balancing global power and promoting a more equitable globalisation. While the bloc has seen success in trade negotiations—specifically regarding pharmaceutical patents and challenging US-EU proposals at the WTO—it faces criticism for its exclusionary nature and the competitive economic interests of its members. The document highlights the transition from high-level diplomatic declarations to the need for tangible cooperation in sectors like health, defence, and science and technology.

The paper argues that Robert Mugabe's regime persists due to a combination of political passivity among the public, limited external support for democratic forces, and the creation of a feudalistic economic system that rewards a small political elite. While the general population suffers from hyperinflation and food shortages, the elite profit through land redistribution, currency manipulation, and state-sponsored fraud.

The report argues that AGOA has provided limited new opportunities for South African exports because US tariffs were already low, though some agricultural products like fruit juices and pears have seen significant growth. It identifies non-tariff barriers, such as US agricultural subsidies and strict standards, as the primary remaining obstacles to trade. The authors suggest that a reciprocal SACU-US agreement could lock in these preferences and protect South African interests against the unilateral nature of AGOA.

The document examines Brazil's role in the FTAA negotiations, highlighting the tension between Brazil's desire for agricultural market access and the US's push for the inclusion of 'Singapore issues' such as investment and intellectual property. It details Brazil's efforts to protect sensitive industrial sectors and its strategic use of Mercosur to avoid isolation as the US pursues bilateral agreements with other Latin American nations. The analysis concludes that the FTAA is shifting toward a flexible 'ALCA-lite' framework with a limited built-in agenda.

The document argues that NAFTA has been an empirical success for Mexico, driving substantial growth in trade, foreign direct investment, and industrial diversification, while acknowledging significant socio-economic costs in agriculture and a lack of broad-based wage growth.

The report examines the expansion of South African business into the rest of Africa, highlighting a shift from traditional construction and mining into sectors like banking, telecommunications, and retail. While South African firms possess competitive advantages in capital and technology, they face significant structural hurdles, including political risk, corruption, poor infrastructure, and currency volatility. The document provides detailed case studies on sectors (Banking, Telecommunications, Retail, Mining) and countries (Uganda, Morocco, Mozambique, Ghana), concluding that sustainable growth requires improved governance, the rule of law, and stronger regional integration through initiatives like Nepad.

The report examines South African foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mozambique, highlighting the country as a primary destination for South African capital. While mega-projects like the Mozal smelter and Sasol pipeline have boosted GDP and investor confidence, smaller firms face significant hurdles including corruption, red tape, and a weak legal system. The document analyzes the socio-economic impact of this investment, noting improvements in productivity and wages but limited linkages with local businesses and a concentration of wealth in the south.

The document describes Mali as a stable democracy with strong economic growth, largely driven by a gold boom following the 1991 Mining Code revision. South African investment is concentrated in gold mining and energy, contributing positively to state revenue and job creation, though hindered by poor infrastructure, outdated regulations, and limited local business linkages. While Mali is positioned as a potential regional trade hub via WAEMU and ECOWAS, the report notes a gap between the government's pro-investment policies and the practical difficulties faced by operators.

The document assesses the state of education in sub-Saharan Africa, noting that over 40 million children are out of school and progress toward Millennium Development Goals is too slow. It argues that UPE alone cannot drive development and calls for a comprehensive strategy including the expansion of secondary education, significant increases in teacher salaries and training, and curriculum reform. The report highlights that HIV/Aids, corruption, and a lack of funding—specifically a need for $1 billion to $2 billion in upfront commitments—hinder progress. It suggests that Africa should emulate East Asia's planning and financial commitment to education to close the global skills gap.

The report argues that sub-Saharan Africa's focus on Universal Primary Education (UPE) is insufficient for economic development if not paired with a robust secondary education sector. It identifies critical gaps in teacher quantity and quality, the devastating impact of HIV/Aids on educators and students, and the prevalence of corruption in school funding. The document advocates for a shift toward vocational training, science and mathematics education, and a 'basic education' framework (extending to age 16) to avoid a bottleneck of primary graduates who cannot progress. It highlights East Asia's historical success in integrating education planning with job creation as a model for the continent.

The report examines the business relationship between South Africa and Nigeria, highlighting the opportunities presented by Nigeria's large market and the significant hurdles faced by investors. Key challenges include systemic corruption, poor infrastructure—particularly in the power sector—and a lack of policy predictability. While the report notes that the return to democracy in 1999 and the introduction of the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) have improved the investment climate, it emphasizes that Nigeria remains a high-risk environment. The document also details the specific impact of South African firms like MTN and the broader economic landscape, including the dominance of the oil and gas sector and the emerging 'new economy' driven by the Nigerian diaspora.

The report examines the business environment in Nigeria from the perspective of South African investors, highlighting the tension between the country's massive market potential and its systemic structural failures. While the return to democracy in 1999 and the introduction of the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) have improved foreign direct investment (FDI) and political stability, South African firms continue to face high costs due to poor infrastructure, rampant corruption, and unpredictable policy-making. The document details the success of companies like MTN and the failures of others like Vodacom, while providing specific policy recommendations for both the Nigerian and South African governments to foster a more stable and transparent bilateral economic relationship.

The report finds that while Botswana is a stable parliamentary democracy, its parliament is weak and dominated by a strong executive. It highlights deficiencies in parliamentary expertise, the lack of portfolio committees, and a fragmented opposition. The study also examines the role of the kgotla as a primary engagement tool and the emerging but still limited influence of civil society organisations on policy.

The report examines the collapse of the 2003 WTO Cancun ministerial, attributing the failure to disagreements over agricultural subsidies and the 'Singapore issues'. It highlights the emergence of the G20+ as a powerful developing-country bloc and argues that African nations must move beyond a reliance on aid toward export-led growth. The text analyzes specific challenges, including the 'peace clause' expiry, pharmaceutical patent deals (TRIPs), and the internal dynamics of the Africa Group. It concludes that while market access is a primary goal, African countries must address supply-side constraints—such as poor infrastructure and failure to meet international sanitary and phytosanitary standards—to actually utilize trade concessions.

The document highlights a critical gap between the SADC's strategic visions and the actual state of its infrastructure. While some corridors like the Trans-Kalahari show success, most regional transport networks suffer from severe degradation, inefficiency at borders, and a lack of financial commitment from member states. The report emphasizes the dominant role of South Africa in regional investment and the potential of privatization and concessions, as seen in Zambia's railways and Maputo's port, to improve efficiency. It also addresses the impact of political crises in Zimbabwe on regional logistics, the strategic importance of transboundary water management, and the growth of wireless communications over fixed lines.

The briefing argues that the WTO is currently crippled by regulatory overload, 'UN-isation' of decision-making, and a deadlock in the Doha Round. It posits that the international trading system is being reshaped by overwhelming US power and the rise of Asia-Pacific economies. To remain relevant, the author suggests the WTO must rediscover its primary purpose of reducing trade barriers and move away from a co-leadership model with the EU toward a US-led approach supported by 'coalitions of the willing'. Failure to deliver a substantial market access package by 2006/7 could lead to a world dominated by discriminatory regional trade agreements, disproportionately harming low-income and least-developed countries.

The document examines Africa's position within the Doha Development Agenda, emphasizing the critical need for agricultural reform to eliminate trade-distorting subsidies in the US and EU. It details the challenges African nations face, including supply-side constraints, high tariffs (tariff peaks and escalation), and limited negotiating capacity. The report advocates for strategic alliances with the Cairns Group and other developing nations, while highlighting specific legal challenges, such as the fight against cotton subsidies and the effort to secure access to generic medicines under TRIPS.

The report argues that while South Africa has undergone significant trade liberalisation since 1994, further openness is necessary to enhance global competitiveness, provided it is co-operatively managed to maintain social stability. It examines the shift from import-substitution to a multi-faceted industrial strategy, the impact of tariff reforms, and South Africa's engagement with the WTO and regional partners like the EU and SADC.

The document examines the constraints on African agricultural growth, highlighting how developed country tariffs and subsidies depress world prices by approximately 12% annually. It argues that while developed country protectionism is a major hurdle, Africa's own high average agricultural tariffs (75%) and a focus on food self-sufficiency rather than trade-led security further inhibit productivity. The author advocates for an export-oriented growth strategy supported by the WTO's Doha Round and domestic investments in rural infrastructure and credit.