Search Climate Insights Directory

The document describes the DIADATA dataset, which lists diamond occurrences worldwide, including geographic coordinates, geological forms, and dates of discovery and production. It details the data collection process from academic, governmental, and industry sources, and explains the coding structure for variables such as geological form (primary, secondary, or marine) and production status. Additionally, it describes a 'compact version' of the dataset where sites within 50 km are aggregated into multipoints to reduce missing temporal data. The document includes detailed country profiles for 53 countries, outlining their diamond discovery and production histories.

The review finds a general scholarly consensus that higher levels of education have a pacifying effect on civil conflict, though this relationship is complex and varies by the type of violence. While low education is often linked to recruitment in civil wars, higher education levels are frequently observed among terrorists and genocide perpetrators. The authors highlight that inter-group educational inequalities—particularly along ethnic and religious lines—significantly increase conflict risks, whereas rapid expansions in tertiary education do not appear to drive destabilization. The document concludes that while education generally promotes peace, its impact is mediated by factors such as regime type, gender equality, and the specific nature of the political violence.

The report argues that formal education systems can either fuel or mitigate armed conflict depending on their inclusivity, quality, and relationship with the community. Through case studies in Guatemala, Nepal, and Liberia, the author identifies four conflict-transforming concepts: equitable inclusion, positive socialization, the creation of social capital, and the provision of socio-economic benefits. The study finds that educational exclusion and authoritarian teaching methods often mirror and reinforce the structural inequalities that drive conflict, while participatory, child-centered education and equitable resource distribution can raise the opportunity costs of joining rebellions and foster a culture of non-violence. The report recommends that national governments and international donors integrate education into peacebuilding processes, prioritize social justice in curricula, and better link schooling to the labor market to ensure that education provides tangible hope and economic mobility.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The research investigates the relationship between capitalism and domestic peace, arguing that economies favorable to free enterprise reduce the risk of civil war by increasing the opportunity costs of rebellion. Using the Index of Economic Freedom and UCDP/PRIO conflict data from 1970–2005, the authors find that higher economic freedom is associated with a lower risk of conflict onset, a result that remains significant even when controlling for per capita income, institutional quality, and state repression. The study concludes that market-friendly policies do not undermine state autonomy to maintain peace, contrary to some globalization skeptics.

The author examines the challenges of gathering data on sexual violence in war, noting that it is often used as a political tool to demoralize enemies and reinforce masculinity. The text highlights historical examples from Nanking, Berlin, Rwanda, and Bosnia to illustrate the systemic nature of these crimes. It argues that current data collection is hindered by victim stigma, lack of uniform definitions, and poor baseline data. To move from 'overview to insight,' the author suggests that researchers must analyze how sexual violence interacts with national and gender identities, noting that victims who view themselves as 'ethnic victims' often find more social support than those who view themselves as 'female victims.'

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.

The document argues that rebel groups provide a unique 'laboratory' for understanding governance because they operate outside the Westphalian state system. It examines how rebels implement rule-making, enforcement, and service provision, and how these activities relate to their legitimacy and capacity. The authors propose a multi-dimensional framework for rebel capacity—military, economic, personnel, administrative, and social—and argue that territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance. By comparing rebel and state behaviors, the paper suggests that governance is often multi-layered and that the relationship between territorial control and legitimacy is complex and non-linear.

The study introduces the SEAP dataset, covering missions by the UN, NATO, ECOWAS, and the African Union from 1999 to 2010. Through multivariate logit regression, the authors identify that larger mission sizes and a history of extensive sexual violence in the host country's preceding conflict are the most robust predictors of reported SEA. Other significant factors include lower economic development in host countries and a general increase in reporting after 2005, likely due to heightened international focus following the 2005 Zeid report.

The research examines whether armed conflict contributes to excess female mortality by affecting reproductive health and maternal mortality. The study finds that while conflict is associated with moderately higher maternal mortality rates, its effect on overall fertility is only significant in low-income countries, where it may act as a deterrent to the demographic transition. Unexpectedly, the study identifies that conflicts in neighboring countries are associated with lower maternal mortality, potentially due to the effectiveness of international health interventions for refugee populations.

The document argues that while minigrids are technically feasible, they lack economic viability due to a typical cost of service between $0.55 and $1.00/kWh, which exceeds customers' ability to pay and the cost of alternatives like diesel generators. RMI proposes a hypothesis that costs can be reduced by over 60% to approximately $0.20/kWh by 2020 by addressing six key areas: hardware standardization, load management, customer engagement, project development/O&M efficiency, affordable financing, and supportive policy. The briefing outlines a strategy to test these ideas across three market segments—large under-grid, large off-grid, and small off-grid with subsidy—using Nigeria and Tanzania as primary test cases.

The report argues that decentralised renewable energy (DRE) is the most effective solution for electrifying rural health facilities, particularly during health crises like COVID-19. It proposes a delivery model combining 'smart grants' for upfront capital expenditures (CAPEX) with market-based compensation mechanisms, such as long-term Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs), to ensure both rapid deployment and long-term financial and technical sustainability. Through 16 case studies across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how DRE can improve maternal and child health outcomes, enable the storage of vaccines, and foster socio-economic development by integrating health facilities as central nodes for wider community electrification.

The document details several Team Europe-funded green energy projects in Africa, focusing on solar mini-grids and solar home systems (SHS). Key initiatives include ANKA's Angovo project in Madagascar, ENGIE Energy Access's SHS scaling in Uganda, FRES's energy-as-a-service model in Mali, Burkina Faso, Uganda, and Guinea-Bissau, and projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, and Sierra Leone. These projects aim to increase electricity access for households, SMEs, and public institutions while reducing CO2 emissions and fostering local economic growth through job creation and improved services in health and education.

Off-Grid Power (SL) Ltd (OGP), a joint venture between PowerGen Renewable Energy and the Private Infrastructure Development Group (PIDG), has deployed 40 solar hybrid mini-grids with a 2.5 MW capacity across southern and eastern Sierra Leone. Part of the government's Rural Renewable Energy Project (RREP), the initiative provides electricity to over 99,000 people, many for the first time. The project has delivered significant social benefits, including improved maternal health services, higher national test results for students, and the creation of 351 total jobs. Financing was provided by Team Europe (Netherlands), the UK, Switzerland, and PowerGen, with a budget of EUR 6,340,000.

This research paper by Amanda Lucey argues for the integration of peace and security into the discourse of South-South Cooperation (SSC), specifically in the context of the BAPA+40 conference. The author contends that while the original 1978 Buenos Aires Plan of Action (BAPA) focused on economic and social development, the contemporary African reality necessitates a holistic approach where peace and development are viewed as mutually reinforcing.

The report details Austria's limited historical and economic ties with Africa, noting that while North Africa maintains stronger diplomatic relations, trade and development assistance are focused on specific priority countries in East and Southern Africa. It highlights South Africa as Austria's primary African trading partner and discusses Austria's commitments to EU-Africa strategies during its 2006 EU Council presidency.

The document details Germany's shift from a marginal interest in Africa during the Cold War to a more active partnership approach starting in 1998. It highlights the transition from a 'watering can' aid model to targeted support for a limited number of countries, emphasizing poverty reduction and sustainable development. Economic ties are characterized by a concentration of foreign direct investment in Libya, Egypt, and South Africa, while political engagement includes support for the G8 Africa Action Plan and NEPAD. The report specifically examines the 'strategic partnership' with South Africa, noting significant bilateral trade and investment in the automotive and chemical sectors. It also outlines Germany's security contributions through UN-mandated operations and its internal economic challenges, such as high unemployment, which influence its international agenda.

The report examines the South African mining industry's decline, highlighted by the Marikana shootings, and argues that structural issues—including regulatory uncertainty, failing social and labour plans, and 'narrow' BEE policies—undermine investor confidence and social stability. It proposes adopting the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights, replacing Social and Labour Plans with Community Development Agreements, and reforming BEE to benefit workers and communities rather than a small elite. The author warns that the ANC's proposed 'strategic nationalisation' of minerals like platinum and coal, as suggested in the SIMS report, could further jeopardise economic growth and exacerbate social conflict.

The document details SEforALL's five-outcome Theory of Change aimed at achieving SDG7 through gender-sensitive action, global commitments, policy standards, financial mobilization, and direct energy installations. It reports cumulative results including the leveraging of 3.6 billion USD directly and 2.7 billion USD indirectly for energy access and clean energy transitions.

Amida Adiatu Bangura describes how SEforALL's Healthcare Electrification Project provided 24/7 solar electricity to one hospital and 25 community health centres in Sierra Leone, eliminating reliance on unreliable diesel generators and reducing the need for dangerous patient transfers. The project also promoted gender equality by training 11 women in solar installation and renewable energy skills.