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The workshop examined how elections in Africa often serve as sources of conflict due to poor management, weak institutional frameworks, and the manipulation of state power by ruling parties. Participants discussed the role of regional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC, the limitations of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and the specific failures of Zimbabwe's 2008 elections. The event concluded with recommendations for strengthening the African Union's role in election observation and the need for national constitutional reforms aligned with continental frameworks.

The report identifies eight critical success factors and fourteen performance indicators for start-up social and environmental enterprises in developing countries. These tools are designed to help entrepreneurs and investors assess the likelihood of success and monitor progress across a 'triple bottom line' of economic, social, and environmental goals. The findings are based on a literature review and empirical research with ten SEED-supported enterprises.

The paper examines the necessity and design of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Zimbabwe to address decades of state-sponsored violence and impunity. It weighs the tensions between retributive and restorative justice, arguing that while political pragmatism may require conditional amnesties to secure a transition, a formal process is essential for victim redress and national healing. The authors provide a framework for a potential commission, covering its mandate, timing, and the complexities of addressing historical violence, including the 1980s gukurahundi campaign.

The report details a seminar hosted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) to evaluate the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Regulation of Certain Activities in Areas of Armed Conflict Act 27 of 2006. Experts argued that while the Act aims to curb mercenary activity and align with the South African Constitution, it is overly restrictive, lacks clear definitions for 'humanitarian assistance', and may push the private military and security company (PMSC) industry underground. Discussions highlighted the tension between the Act's punitive approach and the potential utility of PMSCs in peacekeeping and stability operations, as well as the Act's impact on the military profession and its relationship with International Humanitarian Law.

The report identifies thirteen dimensions of unfairness in Zimbabwe's March 2005 parliamentary elections, concluding they were not free and fair. Despite some improvements following SADC principles, the author highlights critical failures including a weak Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), repressive legislation, state control of media, and discrepancies between observer and official vote counts. The document argues that these flaws, alongside a constitution that favours the incumbent, necessitate urgent constitutional reform and the establishment of a truly independent electoral commission to prevent conflict.

The research paper examines how organised crime networks, particularly those from the former Eastern Bloc, operate with impunity in African conflict zones by using front companies, tax havens, and corrupt political links. It details the activities of Leonid Minin and Victor Bout, who are alleged to have trafficked weapons and minerals in countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the DRC. The author argues that law enforcement is hampered by weak national legislation, poor international coordination, and the lack of criminal sanctions for sanctions-busting, though it suggests that post-9/11 anti-terrorism frameworks may offer new opportunities for disrupting these networks.

The document analyzes the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, noting that while it establishes a regional commitment to standards such as judicial independence and media access, it contains loopholes regarding observer deployment and the acceptance of results. It highlights Zimbabwe as a critical test case where previous elections were marred by violence and irregularities, and expresses skepticism about the credibility of upcoming polls given the current political climate.

The report identifies political instability, crumbling infrastructure, a severe credit crunch, and the absence of the rule of law as the primary barriers to African economic development. It argues that while large-scale projects are often prioritized, the immediate economic payoff lies in the regular maintenance of existing transport and utility services and the reform of legal systems to protect property rights and enforce contracts. The document highlights a critical funding gap, noting that while Africa requires $64 billion in investments to meet growth targets, donors provide only about $14 billion annually. Corruption is identified as a pervasive corrosive force, with 52% of surveyed business organisations stating that bribes are necessary to open a business.

The report identifies a disconnect between government priorities and the needs of the business sector in Africa, highlighting corruption and infrastructure failure as primary barriers to growth. Based on dialogues with 56 business organisations and five studies, it asserts that stability in Africa is dependent on prosperity, which requires improvements in property rights, the rule of law, and power reliability.

The paper examines the systemic instability of Africa's largest states—specifically Nigeria, the DRC, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Angola—noting that their size and complexity often lead to economic failure, administrative collapse, and regional destabilization. It contrasts these with South Africa's relative stability and smaller African states' better economic performance. The author critiques the international community's adherence to territorial integrity and generic federalism, suggesting instead a realism that accepts potential partition, prioritizes state-building before democracy, and deploys more decisive peacekeeping forces.

The document analyzes the transition of Liberia from post-conflict security to a fragile peace, focusing on the collaboration between the Government of Liberia (GoL) and the United Nations (UNMIL and UNCT). It details a 'dual-track' approach to peacebuilding: infusing conflict-sensitive concerns into existing policy frameworks like the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) and the United Nations Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF), while simultaneously developing targeted programming via the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF). The author argues that effective peacebuilding requires building consensus on 'conflict factors'—such as poor leadership, weak justice systems, and mismanagement of natural resources—and integrating these into national planning. The paper concludes that coherence in peacebuilding is a matter of degree rather than an end state, recommending that the UN include independent conflict specialists in mission planning and link mission drawdown benchmarks to government institutional capacity rather than just security indicators.

The document analyzes China's strategy of accessing previously untapped natural resources in Africa, often in ecologically fragile areas with weak governance. It highlights the central role of the China Exim Bank in financing large-scale infrastructure and extractive projects, noting a historical lack of adherence to international environmental standards. Using the Merowe Dam in Sudan as a primary case study, the author illustrates significant social and environmental failures. While the Chinese government has begun introducing social and environmental guidelines and 'green credit' policies, the report warns that stricter domestic regulations may inadvertently encourage the relocation of polluting industries to Africa.

The document examines the challenges faced by conservationists in the Albertine Rift, where high biodiversity coincides with intense social and political upheaval. It proposes the use of adaptive, conflict-sensitive approaches and analyzes seven specific conflict assessment tools to help practitioners understand conflict dynamics and minimize risks. The report also includes case studies on fishery restoration in Virunga National Park, community conservation in Kahuzi Biega National Park, and conservation management in Sierra Leone and the Peruvian Amazon.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The report examines the challenges of scaling up and replicating social and environmental enterprises, contrasting the 'large scale' goals of international donors with the modest growth ambitions of local entrepreneurs. It identifies a gap in recognition and reward programmes, which often act as catalysts but lack proactive strategies to create the enabling environments necessary for systemic transformation. Based on SEED award winners, the report warns that forced scaling can risk over-extension or environmental degradation and recommends tailored support, longer-term engagement, and peer learning to foster sustainable growth.

The report argues that while the SEED initiative focuses on partnerships for sustainable development, its award winners are more accurately defined as social and environmental entrepreneurs. The authors find that partnership typologies are often too ambiguous and lack specific, measurable success factors. In contrast, the field of social and environmental entrepreneurship provides detailed critical success factors (CSFs) tailored to specific enterprise types, such as 'green' products or community services. The report concludes that partnerships should be viewed as a tool for these entrepreneurs rather than their defining organizational model. It also identifies special attributes of SEED winners, including their potential for large-scale impact, complex relationship management, and the transition from overseas development assistance (ODA) to commercial revenue streams.

The document evaluates the South African Army's role in the evolving African security architecture, focusing on the African Standby Force (ASF) and SADC Brigade. It analyzes the nature of African conflict, the necessity of rapid deployment capabilities, and the impact of cultural intelligence and professionalization on mission success. The report highlights significant challenges for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), including budget constraints, human resource crises due to HIV/AIDS and aging personnel, and the risks associated with the privatization of security. It concludes that while the SANDF possesses high technical capabilities, its effectiveness as a lead nation is hindered by structural deficiencies and a lack of political prioritization of defense funding.

The briefing by Ambassador William Lacy Swing examines the role of MONUC in the Democratic Republic of Congo, highlighting the successful delivery of the country's first democratic elections since 1960. It argues that a credible process—combining legal frameworks, financial resources, and regional support—is essential for peacekeeping. The author emphasizes the need for 'sustainment strategies' over 'exit strategies' in post-electoral societies to ensure long-term stability and warns against the donor tendency to reduce support after elections. The document also notes the increasing scale and cost of 'Big Missions' and the efficiency of UN multilateral operations compared to bilateral efforts.

The document examines the proliferation of the private security industry in Africa, linking its growth to state weakness and the exploitation of natural resources. It analyzes the legal status of private contractors under international humanitarian law (IHL), provides case studies on domestic regulation in South Africa and Swaziland, and presents the Swiss Initiative as a model for inter-governmental cooperation to promote respect for human rights and IHL.

The briefing explains the transition from a Cold War-era division of Africa among three U.S. regional commands to the creation of AFRICOM. It asserts that the new command is a response to post-9/11 security realities where instability in undeveloped countries can pose global threats. The author emphasizes that AFRICOM is a staff headquarters, not a troop headquarters, and will not establish permanent military bases. Its primary goal is to support African leadership and the African Union through a 'Civil/Military Activities Directorate' that integrates Department of Defense efforts with State Department and USAID goals to prevent crises through security sector reform and capacity building.