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The author contends that digital conglomerates have hijacked public spaces, replacing organic community meaning-making with a profit-driven consumerist ethic. This corporate dominance leads to the marginalization and potential physical endangerment of excluded groups, such as indigenous peoples in the Amazon and the Uyghur community in Xinjiang. The text calls for civil society and the ecumenical movement to defend the integrity of public communication spaces to uphold social justice and the common good.

The paper argues that while the South African government showed increased responsiveness during the Covid-19 crisis, the pandemic exacerbated existing inequalities, food poverty, and state violence. It highlights a divide between a government-business coalition and a marginalized civil society, while noting that corruption in PPE and food relief procurement continued to undermine public trust.

The document outlines how Turkey, under the AKP, has shifted its foreign policy to emphasize historical, cultural, and religious links with 'kin communities' (akraba topluluklar) across Europe, the Middle East, and the Eastern Mediterranean. It defines the conceptual overlap between diaspora and kin-politics and describes the transition from a racial-ethnic national identity to an 'Islamic-Turkish synthesis' that views Turkey as a 'core country' for the global Muslim community (ummah). The text introduces case studies on Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine to analyze how this policy of 'spiritual boundaries' affects host countries and the communities themselves.

Between 2011 and 2013, Portugal saw a surge in independent, non-partisan social movements such as Geração à Rasca and Que se Lixe a Troika!, which mobilised hundreds of thousands against austerity and precarious work. However, by 2014, these broad civil society projects declined, with social mobilisation returning to the control of traditional trade unions and left-wing political parties.

The report finds that while religious radicalism in Côte d’Ivoire has not reached the scale seen elsewhere in West Africa, the country remains vulnerable due to political instability, regulatory gaps, and socio-economic marginalisation. It details how Pentecostalist 'prophets' influenced the hardline posture of former President Laurent Gbagbo during the 2010-11 crisis and notes the presence of Wahhabi Islam. Additionally, it examines the Lebanese diaspora, noting that while most view Hezbollah as a 'national resistance movement' and provide financial support, there is currently no direct threat to Ivorian national security from this community.

The document provides a historical analysis of youth involvement in Mozambique's political change, arguing that young people have often been the 'engine for change' but have also been subject to systemic exploitation and manipulation. It traces the shift from youth seeking economic autonomy through migrant labour during Portuguese colonialism to their role as ideological tools for Frelimo's socialist project after independence. The text highlights the blurred lines between civilian and military roles during the civil war, specifically challenging the narrative that only Renamo used child soldiers by documenting Frelimo's forced recruitment and deceptive schooling programmes. It concludes that while youth were central to the nation's formation, contemporary Mozambican youth feel unheard and marginalized by the current regime.