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The author criticizes the EU's handling of the Greek debt crisis and the refugee crisis as evidence of a failure in solidarity, driven by a 'neoliberal size fits all' approach. The text calls for the Green party to move beyond a defensive, reformist stance and develop a clear vision for a federal Europe capable of addressing global challenges and internal imbalances.

The case study analyzes the conflict in Roşia Montană, where a proposed gold mining project by the Roşia Montana Gold Corporation (RMGC) sparked massive civic mobilization. It details how a local resistance movement evolved into an international campaign and widespread street protests in 2013, ultimately forcing the Romanian Parliament to reject a special law that would have bypassed environmental and urban planning regulations. The author argues that these protests signaled a shift in Romanian society away from 'development at any cost' toward a focus on corporate accountability, environmental protection, and social solidarity.

The author contends that cannabis prohibition in Germany has failed, fostering organised crime and leaving consumers and youth unprotected. The text advocates for a regulated market—specifically proposing a draft by the German Greens—that would allow limited personal possession, mandate licensed stores with strict ID checks, and redirect law enforcement savings toward drug prevention.

The Green European Journal (July 2015) examines the systemic failures of the EU, including the Greek debt crisis, the refugee crisis, and the dominance of neoliberal technocracy. It advocates for a 'radicalisation of democracy' and a transition toward a degrowth economy. The document critiques the EU's climate contributions for COP 21 as insufficiently ambitious and calls for a reduction in energy dependency on Russia. It emphasizes the need for Green parties to reconnect with grassroots social movements and a 'trans-European' approach to identity and politics.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

The author describes the historical and current refugee crises on Lesbos, highlighting a transition from a community of solidarity to one under extreme pressure due to state inaction. By May 2015, approximately 20,000 arrivals had overwhelmed local infrastructure, leading to the deterioration of the Moria detention center and the emergence of xenophobic narratives. The text calls for the government to declare a state of emergency, involve European authorities, and establish proper housing and transport infrastructure to protect the island's democratic and anti-racist character.

The author describes a humanitarian crisis on the island of Lesbos, where over 20,000 refugees arrived in the first five months of 2015. The text highlights a lack of government and European Community infrastructure, noting that refugees are often forced to walk 60 kilometers to reach processing centers. It warns that the failure of officials to provide basic services like shelter and toilets is fueling xenophobia and potential violence. The document calls for the establishment of arrival and processing centers, provided transport, and a specific plan for the August tourist season to prevent further suffering.

The document analyzes the 2015 Spanish municipal elections, specifically the rise of 'citizen convergence' lists that integrated political parties, civil society, and independent activists. These movements, stemming from the 'Guanyem' initiative in Barcelona and influenced by the 15-M movement, sought 'democratic regeneration' through horizontal organization, open primaries, and codes of ethics. The author highlights the role of the green party EQUO in incorporating ecological policies—such as sustainable urban development and energy efficiency—into these agendas. The results showed significant success in cities like Barcelona, A Coruña, and Santiago de Compostela, suggesting a shift toward a more plural political cycle based on cooperation rather than the hegemonic strategies used by parties like Podemos.

This collection of reports and interviews analyzes contemporary European resistance movements, focusing on struggles against extractive industries, infrastructure mega-projects, and economic austerity. It highlights specific cases in Romania, Greece, Scotland, France, and Turkey, while discussing the systemic role of the educated middle class in mobilization. The text argues that Green parties must reconnect with their radical roots and form transversal alliances with social movements to challenge the dominant neoliberal economic model and the 'sacredness of growth'.

The document details the struggle of the Focus E15 Mums, a group of young mothers in East London who faced eviction from a charity-run hostel due to government budget cuts. It describes their transition from a local fight against 'social cleansing' and forced relocation outside London to a broader national campaign for secure, affordable social housing. The text links their experience to a wider UK housing crisis characterized by the privatization of social housing since the 1980s, rising property prices, and the gentrification of areas like Stratford. It highlights the group's use of direct action, such as occupying empty homes on the Carpenters’ Estate, and the emergence of a wider housing movement demanding rent controls and an end to estate demolitions.

The author contends that a European Army is a 'legend' lacking conceptual depth and political feasibility. The text argues that such an entity would require an unacceptable loss of national sovereignty and constitutional changes in member states like Germany and France. Furthermore, it suggests that proponents use the idea to undermine parliamentary oversight of military actions. Instead of a unified army, the author advocates for enhanced security cooperation, the use of 'soft power', and the maintenance of democratic controls.

The document critiques the traditional 'rescue paradigm' of humanitarian intervention, where external forces attempt to protect passive victims. Instead, it proposes a model based on 'self-reliance,' identifying four primary civilian survival strategies: avoidance, concession, collective action, and arming. The author suggests that international efforts, including military and aid operations, should be redesigned to support these local initiatives rather than imposing top-down solutions.

The author contends that modern trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA are not about 'free trade' but are tools for corporations to secure interests through secret negotiations. The text argues that these agreements erode national sovereignty, prioritize capital protection over ecological and social rights via private arbitration courts, and threaten public services through privatization. Using NAFTA and a US-Peru agreement as examples, the author claims that promises of growth and jobs often fail to materialize for citizens, benefiting only large corporations.

The author contends that Germany's historical preference for non-military foreign policy and economic cooperation is no longer viable in a globalised world. Highlighting the paralysis of the UN Security Council and the rise of authoritarianism, the text calls for a more active European foreign policy. It specifically emphasizes the need for the EU to support Ukraine against Russian neo-imperialism and to maintain a value-based partnership with the United States to avoid security vacuums.

The author advocates for the use of federalism as a long-term political framework to manage ethnically divided states, arguing that the international community can and should impose such structures even without the initial volition of local elites. Using Bosnia and Herzegovina as a primary example, the text contrasts federalism with the historical approach of creating ethnically homogeneous nation-states through population transfers. The author suggests that a federal solution, involving power-sharing among moderate elites and international oversight, could be applied to conflicts in Israel/Palestine and Ukraine, provided there is sufficient international political will and a commitment to transitional justice.

The document analyzes the ideological shift within European green parties—specifically in Belgium, France, and Germany—from a foundation of anti-militarism and nuclear disarmament in the 1980s toward a complex tension between pacifism and the 'responsibility to protect' human rights. It highlights how events such as the Kosovo conflict, the September 11 attacks, and the 2011 intervention in Libya created internal divisions between those advocating for absolute non-violence and those supporting legal military intervention to prevent massacres. The author argues that green parties must now address new complexities of modern warfare, including privatization and environmental consequences, to pursue their ultimate goals of world peace and global disarmament.

The author criticizes the European Union's criminalization of migration and the failure of neoliberal development models in the Maghreb. It highlights the link between environmental degradation—such as desertification and water scarcity—and forced migration, noting that 'environmental refugees' may reach 250 million by 2050. The text calls for a transition to 'post-development' cooperation that reduces Europe's ecological footprint while improving the Human Development Index (HDI) in the Maghreb, moving beyond the interests of extractive elites and the 'Washington Consensus'.

The author contends that the EU must move away from criminalizing migrants and implementing neoliberal economic models in the Maghreb. Instead, the document proposes a cooperation framework based on reciprocity and ecological awareness, highlighting how environmental issues—such as desertification in coastal areas and water scarcity linked to fracking in Algeria—drive social instability and migration. It criticizes the 'Washington consensus' and the lack of international legal recognition for environmental refugees, who are estimated to reach 250 million by 2050. The text also notes that political instability, corruption, and bilateral conflicts between nations like Morocco and Algeria hinder regional cooperation and the development of interregional projects.

The document examines the ideological shift within European Green parties regarding the use of force, moving from 1980s antimilitarism and anti-nuclear activism toward a complex debate between strict pacifism and humanitarian interventionism based on international law.

The author critiques the European Union's current approach to migration, characterizing it as based on myths that criminalize migrants and ignore the systemic links between environmental degradation and displacement. The text argues that North Africa's future depends on moving away from neoliberal models and resource extraction—such as shale gas in Algeria—toward ecological sustainability and democratic stability. It calls for the recognition of 'ecological refugees' and a reduction of the Global North's ecological footprint to address the root causes of migration.