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The testimony asserts that New Jersey's nuclear plants are critical for climate protection, as they provide roughly half of the state's electricity from a carbon-free source. The author argues that premature retirement of these plants would lead to a substantial increase in carbon dioxide emissions, as replacing their output with wind and solar would require a massive, decades-long buildout. Specifically, replacing the Hope Creek and Salem plants would require 12 of the world's largest offshore windfarms or a 15-fold increase in solar output. The document notes that retiring these plants could increase regional emissions by approximately 11 million tons annually, hindering the state's ability to meet Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) targets. While acknowledging that subsidies may be necessary, the author points to New York and Illinois as examples where nuclear subsidies were lower than those for wind and solar.

The report quantifies the health risks faced by millions of African Americans living near oil and gas infrastructure, highlighting elevated cancer risks and asthma attacks. It details the role of systemic oppression in siting polluting facilities in communities of color and calls for stricter EPA regulations and a transition to a clean energy economy.

The Clean Air Task Force criticizes EPA Administrator Pruitt for attempting to repeal the Clean Power Plan by asserting that the EPA only has authority to mandate 'inside the fence' measures at individual plants. The authors argue that Section 111(d) of the Clean Air Act allows for a 'best system of emission reduction' that includes shifting to cleaner energy sources, noting that compliance costs for CO2 reduction dropped from $26/ton at the plan's finalization to $17/ton by January 2017. The document contends that Pruitt is prioritizing the coal industry over public health and has inappropriately requested that the D.C. Circuit Court delay its decision on the plan's legality.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) critiques the Science Advisory Board's (SAB) draft review of the EPA's biogenic CO2 accounting framework, specifically opposing the use of a 100-year 'emissions horizon' for policy decisions. CATF argues that such a long timeframe is incompatible with the legal and technical capabilities of the EPA and state agencies to enforce regrowth and fossil fuel displacement assumptions. They recommend that the Biogenic Accounting Factor (BAF) be presented as a dynamic, time-dependent curve rather than a single point, allowing regulators to evaluate BAF based on specific policy contexts.

The author advocates for the FUTURE Act, asserting that carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS) is a "critical-path technology" for climate change mitigation, particularly for power plants and industrial emissions. The document argues that current tax credits are ineffective due to low credit levels and caps, and that the proposed legislation would drive innovation and cost reduction by raising credit levels and implementing time-limits. The author notes broad bi-partisan and cross-sector support for the bill, including from energy companies, labor unions, and environmental groups.

The Clean Air Task Force opposes the EPA's proposed stays on emission standards for new, reconstructed, and modified oil and gas sources, asserting that the agency lacks the legal authority under the Clean Air Act and the Administrative Procedure Act to postpone compliance dates for an already-effective rule. The organization highlights that staying leak detection and repair requirements would eliminate over half of the rule's methane reductions and nearly 90 percent of its toxic air emissions benefits, disproportionately impacting the health of children and vulnerable populations living near facilities.

The report by Cerulogy critiques an ICF International assessment that claimed corn ethanol's GHG intensity in 2014 was 30% lower than the U.S. EPA's 2022 projections. Cerulogy identifies systemic errors, including the use of preliminary rather than final EPA data, the double-counting of co-product credits, and an over-reliance on a single non-peer-reviewed study (Babcock and Iqbal, 2014) to justify lower international land use change emissions. The review concludes that the ICF report's results are 'meaningless' or 'inaccurate' in several key areas, including rice methane and nitrogen emissions, and recommends that the ICF's revised lifecycle intensity be disregarded.

The Clean Air Task Force opposes the Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act (S.517) because expanding E15 use would likely increase corn ethanol production, which the author claims has higher lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions than gasoline. Additionally, the testimony argues that E15 increases NOx emissions, particularly in older vehicles, which could worsen ozone pollution in areas already near National Ambient Air Quality Standard limits.

The document argues against the year-round use of E15 (15% ethanol, 85% gasoline), stating that increasing ethanol proportions during the ozone season leads to higher smog and ground-level ozone, which impairs lung function. It further claims that corn ethanol production has caused the loss of over 7 million acres of grassland, degraded water quality via farm runoff, and may have higher life-cycle GHG emissions than gasoline unless specific biomass heat sources are used in biorefineries.

The author contends that while advanced nuclear technologies could provide carbon-free electricity to meet skyrocketing global demand, their deployment is hindered by outdated regulatory frameworks. Specifically, the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission's current processes are designed for traditional light water reactors and fail to account for the unique features of new designs, creating financial risks for private investors. The text asserts that updating these pathways is essential for achieving long-term climate goals and meeting the energy needs of the developing world.

The document details the health impacts of oil and gas industry air pollution in Texas, noting that toxic emissions increase cancer risks in 82 counties and ozone smog causes approximately 145,000 annual asthma attacks in children. It highlights that 2.3 million Texans and over 900 schools are located within a half-mile of active operations, and argues that the suspension of EPA standards for leak inspections further endangers the population.

The document outlines stakeholder feedback on the California Air Resources Board's (ARB) CCS Concept Paper, arguing that CCS is critical for California's GHG goals but requires flexible, risk-based regulatory frameworks to attract investment. The authors advocate for the integration of CCS into both the Low Carbon Fuel Standard and Cap & Trade programs, express skepticism toward a 'checkbox' approach for permanence protocols, and propose a tiered, performance-based system for post-injection monitoring instead of arbitrary 50- or 100-year default periods.

The document asserts that public health and environmental safeguards must be based on peer-reviewed science to prevent human death and resource destruction. It specifically challenges claims by the EPA Administrator that carbon dioxide is not the primary driver of climate change and that human contributions to CO2 are unknown. Furthermore, it warns that proposed 2018 budget cuts to zero out government climate research and cancel NASA and NOAA spacecraft would eliminate the only impartial counterbalance to industry-funded research intended to debunk environmental science.

The authors argue that the Proposed Plan underestimates the readiness and effectiveness of Carbon Capture and Sequestration (CCS). They assert that CCS is technologically viable, citing sixteen integrated projects in North America and the necessity of the technology for deep decarbonization in industrial sectors like steel and cement. The coalition recommends that the Scoping Plan explicitly include CCS for both industrial and power sectors, identify potential synergies with the reduction of toxics and criteria pollutants, and remove regulatory barriers, such as the requirement that carbon capture occur onsite at crude oil production facilities.

The document details how oil and gas operations in Ohio emit toxic air pollutants and ozone precursors that cause cancer, asthma, and other respiratory issues, noting that these impacts disproportionately affect children, low-income individuals, and minority communities.

The Clean Air Task Force asserts that President Trump's Executive Order to rescind the Climate Action Plan and related rules cannot be implemented by 'administrative fiat' due to the requirement for notice and comment rulemaking. The author argues that the Clean Power Plan is a cost-effective method for reducing emissions from power plants and that curbing methane emissions from the oil and gas industry is essential for public health and the climate, noting that methane is '70 times as potent a warmer as CO2' over its first 20 years.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) supports Massachusetts' proposed technology-neutral Clean Energy Standard, which includes nuclear power and carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) to help achieve an 80% reduction in grid carbon emissions by 2050. However, CATF argues that the proposed power plant emissions caps are not deep enough and fail to account for the 'maximum technologically feasible reductions' required by law. Additionally, the document criticizes the state's methane reduction proposals for being too narrow, focusing only on certain leaky distribution pipelines for three years while ignoring larger transmission and storage facilities.

The document argues that although South Carolina has no operating oil and gas wells, its residents suffer significant health consequences from industry-related air pollution that travels across state borders. It specifically highlights that over 12,000 childhood asthma attacks occur every summer in the state due to ozone from the oil and gas industry, with significant concentrations in the Greenville, Columbia, and Charleston areas. Additionally, it notes over 25,000 person-days of restricted activity for adults linked to ozone exposure and advocates for the maintenance of federal standards, such as those from the Bureau of Land Management, to reduce smog-causing pollutants.

The Clean Air Task Force opposes the repeal of the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) Methane Waste Rule via the Congressional Review Act. The organization argues that the rule saves up to 41 billion cubic feet of natural gas annually, increasing royalties for states and tax revenue for the federal government. Furthermore, it claims the rule supports small businesses specializing in waste mitigation technology, such as infrared cameras, and notes that a majority of voters in Western states oppose the rollback.

The document highlights that although Arizona has limited oil and gas activity, pollution from neighboring states—particularly from federal and tribal lands in the San Juan basin of New Mexico—contributes to ozone smog that causes thousands of childhood asthma attacks and restricted activity for adults across the state.