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The report identifies 545 domestic extremist accounts in Canada, analyzing over 413,000 posts. It finds that ethnonationalists and white supremacists are the most prolific, while anti-Muslim extremists achieve the highest engagement. Hate speech decreased by 34% from the previous period, with migrants and Jewish people being the primary targets. The document also introduces a new analysis of violent speech, noting peaks coinciding with political events like Justin Trudeau's resignation and Donald Trump's rhetoric regarding Canada.

The analysis of 404,375 tweets from 151 far-left and 75 far-right accounts reveals that both groups are primarily driven by oppositional narratives, where activity by one fringe inspires counter-mobilisation by the other. While the far right frequently engaged in hateful content targeting minorities and promoted conspiratorial views on COVID-19, the far left focused on social and economic justice, with only a small fraction of content meeting specific definitions of antisemitism. The report concludes that the far left does not pose a security threat equivalent to the far right and suggests that moderating far-right extremism could reduce overall counter-mobilisation.

The report identifies a significant online presence of right-wing extremism in Canada, involving 6,660 accounts and channels across seven platforms with a collective reach of over 11 million users. While ethnonationalists are the most prevalent group on mainstream platforms like Facebook and Twitter, explicit white supremacist activity is concentrated on fringe sites such as Iron March and Fascist Forge. The study finds that RWE activity spikes around key events, specifically the Christchurch attack and the 2019 Canadian federal election, with anti-Muslim and anti-Trudeau rhetoric serving as primary drivers of conversation. Offline findings indicate a growth in RWE activity in the Maritime provinces and an increasing fascination with paramilitary training and weaponry among groups like the Three Percenters.

The report maps the 'online ecosystem' of the German far-right, identifying 379 channels across ten alternative platforms. It finds that while these platforms provide safe havens for extremist discourse, they generally have a much smaller reach than mainstream platforms. The study suggests that banning extremists from mainstream sites reduces their overall reach and does not lead to a direct mass migration to alternative platforms. It also highlights the role of 'alt-media' in amplifying far-right narratives, such as the 'great replacement' myth, which are rarely prominent in mainstream media.